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As Egyptians Grasp for Stability, Sisi Fortifies His Presidency As Egyptians Grasp for Stability, Sisi Fortifies His Presidency
(1 day later)
CAIRO — With President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi back from his first visit to the United Nations, the Egyptian news media is hailing his performance there as a transformational moment, for the Egyptian president and even for the General Assembly. CAIRO — With President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi back from his first visit to the United Nations, the Egyptian news media is hailing his performance there as a transformational moment, for the Egyptian president and even for the General Assembly.
No longer tainted as a former general who ousted Egypt’s first democratically elected president, Mr. Sisi was finally recognized by the international community as a respected statesman and regional leader, Egyptian commentators say. Mr. Sisi even “changed the way presidents make speeches at the United Nations,” the talk show host Amr Adeeb proclaimed, showing a video clip of Mr. Sisi ending his speech late last month by chanting his nationalist campaign slogan.No longer tainted as a former general who ousted Egypt’s first democratically elected president, Mr. Sisi was finally recognized by the international community as a respected statesman and regional leader, Egyptian commentators say. Mr. Sisi even “changed the way presidents make speeches at the United Nations,” the talk show host Amr Adeeb proclaimed, showing a video clip of Mr. Sisi ending his speech late last month by chanting his nationalist campaign slogan.
“Long Live Egypt!” Mr. Sisi said to what Egyptian viewers saw as raucous applause from the assembled world leaders.“Long Live Egypt!” Mr. Sisi said to what Egyptian viewers saw as raucous applause from the assembled world leaders.
“A thing of genius,” Mr. Adeeb declared, suggesting the assembly had consecrated a marriage. “Abdel Fattah el-Sisi was the groom of the United Nations, and Egypt was the bride.”“A thing of genius,” Mr. Adeeb declared, suggesting the assembly had consecrated a marriage. “Abdel Fattah el-Sisi was the groom of the United Nations, and Egypt was the bride.”
More than any change in his standing abroad, however, what the event demonstrated was the strength of the cult of personality that Mr. Sisi’s allies are building around him at home as he consolidates his power — a persona far more exalted and protected than even that of Hosni Mubarak, his long-serving predecessor. What viewers back in Egypt could not see was that during the General Assembly, almost all of the diplomats present watched in amused silence as Mr. Sisi’s small entourage did the clapping in response to his chant. But the Egyptian media’s applause was sustained and unanimous, dramatizing a monopolization of power under Mr. Sisi that many analysts say has not occurred in this country since the rule of Mohamed Ali Pasha, the early 19th-century founder of the modern Egyptian state. In the first hundred days since he formally assumed the title of president, Mr. Sisi has already tread where previous leaders hardly dared: He effectively sided with Israel against the Palestinian Islamist group Hamas; he stonewalled high-level Western pressure to release veteran international journalists sentenced to prison on politicized charges; and he rolled back fuel subsidies that were long considered all but untouchable.More than any change in his standing abroad, however, what the event demonstrated was the strength of the cult of personality that Mr. Sisi’s allies are building around him at home as he consolidates his power — a persona far more exalted and protected than even that of Hosni Mubarak, his long-serving predecessor. What viewers back in Egypt could not see was that during the General Assembly, almost all of the diplomats present watched in amused silence as Mr. Sisi’s small entourage did the clapping in response to his chant. But the Egyptian media’s applause was sustained and unanimous, dramatizing a monopolization of power under Mr. Sisi that many analysts say has not occurred in this country since the rule of Mohamed Ali Pasha, the early 19th-century founder of the modern Egyptian state. In the first hundred days since he formally assumed the title of president, Mr. Sisi has already tread where previous leaders hardly dared: He effectively sided with Israel against the Palestinian Islamist group Hamas; he stonewalled high-level Western pressure to release veteran international journalists sentenced to prison on politicized charges; and he rolled back fuel subsidies that were long considered all but untouchable.
And perhaps more surprising, he did it all without facing significant public dissent or protests.And perhaps more surprising, he did it all without facing significant public dissent or protests.
“No one in recent Egyptian history has been so firmly in control,” said Khaled Fahmy, a history professor at the American University in Cairo. “What we are witnessing now breaks all previous precedents, and I don’t think we have seen the end of it.”“No one in recent Egyptian history has been so firmly in control,” said Khaled Fahmy, a history professor at the American University in Cairo. “What we are witnessing now breaks all previous precedents, and I don’t think we have seen the end of it.”
At home and abroad, Mr. Sisi has capitalized on fears of the chaos that has engulfed surrounding countries. If not for his takeover last year, he said in a recent interview with Time magazine, Egypt would be “caught in a vicious cycle of extremism” and “the U.S. would have felt the need to destroy Egypt.”At home and abroad, Mr. Sisi has capitalized on fears of the chaos that has engulfed surrounding countries. If not for his takeover last year, he said in a recent interview with Time magazine, Egypt would be “caught in a vicious cycle of extremism” and “the U.S. would have felt the need to destroy Egypt.”
A catchphrase has become popular here: “At least we are not Syria or Iraq.” It is earnestly encouraged by pro-government television commentators and half-jokingly repeated by average Egyptians to shrug off bad news.A catchphrase has become popular here: “At least we are not Syria or Iraq.” It is earnestly encouraged by pro-government television commentators and half-jokingly repeated by average Egyptians to shrug off bad news.
Presenting himself as the bulwark against disorder, Mr. Sisi has surpassed even President Gamal Abdel Nasser in his ability to command the loyalty of the many fractious and quasi-independent institutions of the modern Egyptian state, Professor Fahmy said, including the military, the internal security forces, the intelligence agencies, the judiciary and the rest of the bureaucracy.Presenting himself as the bulwark against disorder, Mr. Sisi has surpassed even President Gamal Abdel Nasser in his ability to command the loyalty of the many fractious and quasi-independent institutions of the modern Egyptian state, Professor Fahmy said, including the military, the internal security forces, the intelligence agencies, the judiciary and the rest of the bureaucracy.
Nasser, whose military coup in 1952 set the template for Arab autocracy, never fully controlled his own army, historians say. But the old institutions and elite all hold Mr. Sisi as their savior. He forestalled the potential challenge to the established order posed by the street protests that ousted Mr. Mubarak in 2011 and then by the electoral victory of Islamists from the Muslim Brotherhood. Mr. Sisi shuttered the main Islamist media at the time of the takeover, and the rest of the private media — dominated by a small business elite — sing his praises, too.Nasser, whose military coup in 1952 set the template for Arab autocracy, never fully controlled his own army, historians say. But the old institutions and elite all hold Mr. Sisi as their savior. He forestalled the potential challenge to the established order posed by the street protests that ousted Mr. Mubarak in 2011 and then by the electoral victory of Islamists from the Muslim Brotherhood. Mr. Sisi shuttered the main Islamist media at the time of the takeover, and the rest of the private media — dominated by a small business elite — sing his praises, too.
Western diplomats who have met with him describe Mr. Sisi as cheerfully confident but quietly stubborn. He smiles, nods and sounds encouraging. But at the same time he adamantly refuses to bend to Western requests or pressure.Western diplomats who have met with him describe Mr. Sisi as cheerfully confident but quietly stubborn. He smiles, nods and sounds encouraging. But at the same time he adamantly refuses to bend to Western requests or pressure.
He decimated his main Islamist opposition through mass shootings and arrests, exceeding even Mr. Nasser, whose crackdown against the group took place when it was young and immature, not the elected majority party.He decimated his main Islamist opposition through mass shootings and arrests, exceeding even Mr. Nasser, whose crackdown against the group took place when it was young and immature, not the elected majority party.
But Mr. Sisi’s success at starting the rollback of fuel subsidies without a public backlash may be the most striking evidence of his standing. Egyptian rulers have acknowledged for decades that the subsidies were increasingly unsustainable, but always avoided the cuts for fear of unrest.But Mr. Sisi’s success at starting the rollback of fuel subsidies without a public backlash may be the most striking evidence of his standing. Egyptian rulers have acknowledged for decades that the subsidies were increasingly unsustainable, but always avoided the cuts for fear of unrest.
“That is the one that surprises me,” said Tamara Cofman Wittes, a researcher at the Brookings Institution and a former United States deputy assistant secretary of state for the Middle East, noting that the desperate economic conditions of most Egyptians have only grown worse since the ouster of Mr. Mubarak.“That is the one that surprises me,” said Tamara Cofman Wittes, a researcher at the Brookings Institution and a former United States deputy assistant secretary of state for the Middle East, noting that the desperate economic conditions of most Egyptians have only grown worse since the ouster of Mr. Mubarak.
Mr. Sisi has also shown no hurry to elect a new Parliament, even though the transitional “road map” he initially unveiled on July 3, 2013, called for the selection of a legislature even before the choice of a president.Mr. Sisi has also shown no hurry to elect a new Parliament, even though the transitional “road map” he initially unveiled on July 3, 2013, called for the selection of a legislature even before the choice of a president.
Instead, Mr. Sisi first operated as the pre-eminent decision maker behind the scenes of the interim government. Then he rearranged the “road map” to begin with a presidential election. And since winning the presidency in June, with about 98 percent of the vote, he has ruled as both executive and legislature.Instead, Mr. Sisi first operated as the pre-eminent decision maker behind the scenes of the interim government. Then he rearranged the “road map” to begin with a presidential election. And since winning the presidency in June, with about 98 percent of the vote, he has ruled as both executive and legislature.
The small, non-Islamist parties that initially backed his takeover say Mr. Sisi has turned a deaf ear to their complaints about the long wait for elections. He has not addressed complaints about the new government’s tight restrictions on freedom of assembly, or complaints about the plans for a voting system that experts say will virtually guarantee a rubber-stamp Parliament of local power brokers loyal to Mr. Sisi.The small, non-Islamist parties that initially backed his takeover say Mr. Sisi has turned a deaf ear to their complaints about the long wait for elections. He has not addressed complaints about the new government’s tight restrictions on freedom of assembly, or complaints about the plans for a voting system that experts say will virtually guarantee a rubber-stamp Parliament of local power brokers loyal to Mr. Sisi.
“This is a government that does not want to listen to political parties,” said Khaled Dawoud, a spokesman for the Constitution Party. “We can clearly see that there is a step back in Egypt for political freedom, a narrowing of the space for political debate.”“This is a government that does not want to listen to political parties,” said Khaled Dawoud, a spokesman for the Constitution Party. “We can clearly see that there is a step back in Egypt for political freedom, a narrowing of the space for political debate.”
As an initial backer of Mr. Sisi’s takeover, “I feel sad and bitter,” Mr. Dawoud said. “We see a totally opposite direction than what we hoped for.” He added: “We did not want a military general.”As an initial backer of Mr. Sisi’s takeover, “I feel sad and bitter,” Mr. Dawoud said. “We see a totally opposite direction than what we hoped for.” He added: “We did not want a military general.”
The nationalist frenzy of adulation for Mr. Sisi has ebbed. Cairo shop windows no longer display Sisi cupcakes or Sisi lingerie, and state newspapers no longer publish tributes to his “flawless appearance” and “herculean strength” as they did a year ago. The most credible public poll of Egyptian opinion, conducted in May by the Pew Research Center, found that 54 percent of the public viewed Mr. Sisi positively and 45 percent negatively — an approval rating roughly similar to that of his predecessor, Mohamed Morsi, in a poll by Pew about a year earlier.The nationalist frenzy of adulation for Mr. Sisi has ebbed. Cairo shop windows no longer display Sisi cupcakes or Sisi lingerie, and state newspapers no longer publish tributes to his “flawless appearance” and “herculean strength” as they did a year ago. The most credible public poll of Egyptian opinion, conducted in May by the Pew Research Center, found that 54 percent of the public viewed Mr. Sisi positively and 45 percent negatively — an approval rating roughly similar to that of his predecessor, Mohamed Morsi, in a poll by Pew about a year earlier.
“People saw that there was no miracle,” said Samer S. Shehata, an Egyptian-American political scientist who teaches at the University of Oklahoma.“People saw that there was no miracle,” said Samer S. Shehata, an Egyptian-American political scientist who teaches at the University of Oklahoma.
Still, the only real inconvenience during Mr. Sisi’s consolidation of power had appeared to be Western censure — specifically, Washington’s decision to suspend some of its $1.3 billion in annual military aid to Egypt over his crackdown on the Islamist opposition. President Obama said he sought to press Mr. Sisi toward more inclusive and democratic policies. And although the suspension did not appear to influence him, Mr. Sisi has made clear that it annoyed him.Still, the only real inconvenience during Mr. Sisi’s consolidation of power had appeared to be Western censure — specifically, Washington’s decision to suspend some of its $1.3 billion in annual military aid to Egypt over his crackdown on the Islamist opposition. President Obama said he sought to press Mr. Sisi toward more inclusive and democratic policies. And although the suspension did not appear to influence him, Mr. Sisi has made clear that it annoyed him.
Asked by the television interviewer Charlie Rose about support for Mr. Obama’s military campaign in Iraq and Syria, for example, Mr. Sisi responded testily with a demand of his own: “Well, give us the Apaches and F-16s that you have been suspending for over a year and a half now.”Asked by the television interviewer Charlie Rose about support for Mr. Obama’s military campaign in Iraq and Syria, for example, Mr. Sisi responded testily with a demand of his own: “Well, give us the Apaches and F-16s that you have been suspending for over a year and a half now.”
But here, too, Mr. Sisi is getting what he wants. American officials have already said that they are restoring the military aid. The Obama administration has actively sought Mr. Sisi’s support for the military campaign against the Islamic State, also known as ISIS or ISIL. And, to the delight of the Egyptian media, Mr. Obama met with Mr. Sisi in New York, a public recognition from the American leader that Mr. Morsi never achieved.But here, too, Mr. Sisi is getting what he wants. American officials have already said that they are restoring the military aid. The Obama administration has actively sought Mr. Sisi’s support for the military campaign against the Islamic State, also known as ISIS or ISIL. And, to the delight of the Egyptian media, Mr. Obama met with Mr. Sisi in New York, a public recognition from the American leader that Mr. Morsi never achieved.
“It is symbolic and important,” said Gamal Abdel Gawad of the state-run Al Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies. No longer seen as “a military leader who led a coup and became a president,” Mr. Gawad said, Mr. Sisi “presented himself a responsible statesman who has an understanding and a vision for his country and the region.” “It is symbolic and important,” said Gamal Abdel Gawad of the state-run Al Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies. No longer seen as “a military leader who led a coup and became a president,” Mr. Gawad said, Mr. Sisi “presented himself as a responsible statesman who has an understanding and a vision for his country and the region.”
Or as a front-page headline in Egypt’s flagship newspaper, Al Ahram, declared after the United Nations session: “Long Live Egypt Rocks the Assembly!”Or as a front-page headline in Egypt’s flagship newspaper, Al Ahram, declared after the United Nations session: “Long Live Egypt Rocks the Assembly!”