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| Whirlwind Ascent of Houthi Rebels in Yemen Brings Relief and Trepidation | |
| (about 2 hours later) | |
| SANA, Yemen — A band of rebels took control of this capital city last month, seizing control of ministries and forcing the resignation of Yemen’s government so suddenly that Izzedine al-Kuhlani, a 23-year-old rebel supporter, went from studying pharmacology one day to securing the Central Bank the next. | |
| He sat outside the building recently with an AK-47 on his lap, saying he was protecting it against “corrupt people.” As a public face of the rebel movement, the Houthis, his task was to help convince Yemenis that the group’s incursion into Sana was aimed at creating pressure for a more responsive government, not just a power grab. | He sat outside the building recently with an AK-47 on his lap, saying he was protecting it against “corrupt people.” As a public face of the rebel movement, the Houthis, his task was to help convince Yemenis that the group’s incursion into Sana was aimed at creating pressure for a more responsive government, not just a power grab. |
| “Yemen will change,” Mr. Kuhlani said confidently, as he commiserated with motorists stuck in traffic at the start of a holiday weekend. “You will see.” | “Yemen will change,” Mr. Kuhlani said confidently, as he commiserated with motorists stuck in traffic at the start of a holiday weekend. “You will see.” |
| Overshadowed by the conflicts in Iraq and Syria, the Houthis’ lightning advance on the capital on Sept. 21 drew little notice even as it seemed to fundamentally reshape Yemen’s politics. Facing little resistance, the rebels routed powerful political figures and the country’s most established Islamist movement, while signing a power-sharing agreement with the government that seemed to cement their status as Yemen’s most prominent opposition force. | Overshadowed by the conflicts in Iraq and Syria, the Houthis’ lightning advance on the capital on Sept. 21 drew little notice even as it seemed to fundamentally reshape Yemen’s politics. Facing little resistance, the rebels routed powerful political figures and the country’s most established Islamist movement, while signing a power-sharing agreement with the government that seemed to cement their status as Yemen’s most prominent opposition force. |
| At home, the Houthis ascendance has brought trepidation, but also relief among those who have welcomed the rebels’ populist promises or have simply tired of the government’s failures. | At home, the Houthis ascendance has brought trepidation, but also relief among those who have welcomed the rebels’ populist promises or have simply tired of the government’s failures. |
| It has also given rise to dire predictions of sectarian conflict, in a state that has struggled with the threat of Sunni extremist militancy. The Houthis’ leadership and many in the ranks come from the minority Zaydi sect, an offshoot of Shiism whose people make up a quarter to third of the Yemen’s population, but have complained for decades of being marginalized by the government. | It has also given rise to dire predictions of sectarian conflict, in a state that has struggled with the threat of Sunni extremist militancy. The Houthis’ leadership and many in the ranks come from the minority Zaydi sect, an offshoot of Shiism whose people make up a quarter to third of the Yemen’s population, but have complained for decades of being marginalized by the government. |
| On Wednesday, militants suspected of belonging to Al Qaeda launched attacks on government offices and security posts, killing 29 and reinforcing fears of a violent reaction from hard-line Sunni groups. | On Wednesday, militants suspected of belonging to Al Qaeda launched attacks on government offices and security posts, killing 29 and reinforcing fears of a violent reaction from hard-line Sunni groups. |
| There were also concerns that the rebels’ success could provoke new rounds of foreign interference. Saudi Arabia, Yemen’s often domineering neighbor, has long painted the Houthis as an Iranian proxy, and was certain to be unnerved by the latest developments. | There were also concerns that the rebels’ success could provoke new rounds of foreign interference. Saudi Arabia, Yemen’s often domineering neighbor, has long painted the Houthis as an Iranian proxy, and was certain to be unnerved by the latest developments. |
| And the United States, a strong backer of the Yemeni president, Abdu Rabbu Mansour Hadi, took a hard line after the Houthi takeover. Reacting to the gains of a movement that has sharply condemned United States drone strikes in Yemen — and whose slogan includes the phrase “Death to America” — a State Department spokeswoman denounced members of the Houthi leadership for using “violence to further their own agendas.” | And the United States, a strong backer of the Yemeni president, Abdu Rabbu Mansour Hadi, took a hard line after the Houthi takeover. Reacting to the gains of a movement that has sharply condemned United States drone strikes in Yemen — and whose slogan includes the phrase “Death to America” — a State Department spokeswoman denounced members of the Houthi leadership for using “violence to further their own agendas.” |
| Despite the uncertainty, Yemenis seemed eager to judge the Houthis — as well as their 32-year old leader, Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, on different terms: their ability to provide better solutions to the country’s chronic and debilitating problems than the leaders they were challenging, including poverty, corruption and the persistence of armed conflict. | Despite the uncertainty, Yemenis seemed eager to judge the Houthis — as well as their 32-year old leader, Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, on different terms: their ability to provide better solutions to the country’s chronic and debilitating problems than the leaders they were challenging, including poverty, corruption and the persistence of armed conflict. |
| Many here were still trying to grasp how the Houthis had come so far, so quickly. | Many here were still trying to grasp how the Houthis had come so far, so quickly. |
| What began as a group promoting Zaydi heritage among students in the 1990s grew into an insurgency in Yemen’s northern highlands focused at least partly on ending the marginalization of the Zaydis. | |
| Over the course of six bloody wars with government forces from 2004 until a cease-fire in 2010, the Houthis proved themselves dogged opponents, withstanding airstrikes that devastated northern cities and villages and even weathering an assault by the Saudi military. | Over the course of six bloody wars with government forces from 2004 until a cease-fire in 2010, the Houthis proved themselves dogged opponents, withstanding airstrikes that devastated northern cities and villages and even weathering an assault by the Saudi military. |
| The Houthis joined the 2011 uprising against Yemen’s longtime autocrat, Ali Abdullah Saleh, further broadening their base of support and raising hopes that they would participate in politics after Mr. Saleh stepped down. | The Houthis joined the 2011 uprising against Yemen’s longtime autocrat, Ali Abdullah Saleh, further broadening their base of support and raising hopes that they would participate in politics after Mr. Saleh stepped down. |
| But a national dialogue that was part of the deal that removed Mr. Saleh hardly produced any results for Yemeni citizens. Beginning in August, the Houthis seized on the growing anger, leading protests in the capital against a badly managed government decision to remove fuel subsidies. | But a national dialogue that was part of the deal that removed Mr. Saleh hardly produced any results for Yemeni citizens. Beginning in August, the Houthis seized on the growing anger, leading protests in the capital against a badly managed government decision to remove fuel subsidies. |
| “The situation was ripe for popular protests, and the Houthis were ready to mobilize,” said April Longley Alley, a Yemen researcher with the International Crisis Group. Residents say the Houthis have been a friendly presence so far, quickly achieving popular results: not just the restoration of the fuel subsidies and the removal of the government, but also improvements in electricity and the lifting of a ban on motorcycles. | |
| Ali el-Emad, a leader in the Houthi’s political arm, Ansar Allah, insisted that the group was pursuing limited demands. Its participation in the government, he said, “will be confined to encouraging oversight, and making sure that nominees to the government are competent.” | Ali el-Emad, a leader in the Houthi’s political arm, Ansar Allah, insisted that the group was pursuing limited demands. Its participation in the government, he said, “will be confined to encouraging oversight, and making sure that nominees to the government are competent.” |
| But others saw more ominous signs. | |
| “The Houthis have begun purging officials who refuse to comply with them, and replacing them with supporters,” said Ali al-Fakih, editor of a leading Yemeni newspaper and a Houthi critic. And Ms. Alley of the crisis group said the Houthis risked repeating mistakes of past governments if they tried to exclude opponents including Islamists, from the emerging political order. | |
| For the most part, though, the Houthis have been exercising their newly won clout. On Tuesday, they rejected President Hadi’s choice for prime minister, saying that the nominee, a close ally of the president, was not on the list of names the parties had agreed to in the power-sharing pact. In a speech on Wednesday, Mr. Houthi accused foreign governments, and especially the United States, of interfering in Yemen’s political process. | For the most part, though, the Houthis have been exercising their newly won clout. On Tuesday, they rejected President Hadi’s choice for prime minister, saying that the nominee, a close ally of the president, was not on the list of names the parties had agreed to in the power-sharing pact. In a speech on Wednesday, Mr. Houthi accused foreign governments, and especially the United States, of interfering in Yemen’s political process. |
| For some Yemenis wearied by war and the continued deterioration of their broken state, the Houthis’ rise has meant little, for the moment. “To be honest, we have had enough of all of them,” Hisham Abdullah Mulhi, a 19-year old Sana food vendor said, referring to past Yemeni leaders. “We want security and safety no matter who is in charge,” he said. “The most important thing is to leave the people alone.” | For some Yemenis wearied by war and the continued deterioration of their broken state, the Houthis’ rise has meant little, for the moment. “To be honest, we have had enough of all of them,” Hisham Abdullah Mulhi, a 19-year old Sana food vendor said, referring to past Yemeni leaders. “We want security and safety no matter who is in charge,” he said. “The most important thing is to leave the people alone.” |