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| Among Pakistan Militants, Signs of Affinity With ISIS | Among Pakistan Militants, Signs of Affinity With ISIS |
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| LONDON — Across Pakistan, the black standard of the Islamic State has been popping up all over. | |
| From urban slums to Taliban strongholds, the militant group’s logo and name have appeared in graffiti, posters and pamphlets. Last month, a cluster of militant commanders declared their allegiance to Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, the self-proclaimed caliph of the Islamic State. | From urban slums to Taliban strongholds, the militant group’s logo and name have appeared in graffiti, posters and pamphlets. Last month, a cluster of militant commanders declared their allegiance to Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, the self-proclaimed caliph of the Islamic State. |
| Such is the influence of the Islamic State’s steamroller success in Iraq and Syria that, even thousands of miles away, security officials and militant networks are having to reckon with the group, also known as ISIS or ISIL. | Such is the influence of the Islamic State’s steamroller success in Iraq and Syria that, even thousands of miles away, security officials and militant networks are having to reckon with the group, also known as ISIS or ISIL. |
| Its victories have energized battle-weary militants in Pakistan and inspired some to take its name. The ISIS brand offers potent advantages, analysts say — an aid to fund-raising and recruiting, a possible advantage over rival factions and, most powerfully, a new template for waging jihad. | Its victories have energized battle-weary militants in Pakistan and inspired some to take its name. The ISIS brand offers potent advantages, analysts say — an aid to fund-raising and recruiting, a possible advantage over rival factions and, most powerfully, a new template for waging jihad. |
| For security officials, even just the symbolic presence of the Islamic State in Pakistan has become a cause for concern. It is there, after all, that Al Qaeda was founded in the 1980s, followed by other extremist ideologies that easily found the means and support to carry out international attacks. | For security officials, even just the symbolic presence of the Islamic State in Pakistan has become a cause for concern. It is there, after all, that Al Qaeda was founded in the 1980s, followed by other extremist ideologies that easily found the means and support to carry out international attacks. |
| “It doesn’t matter that Daish has not yet established its presence in Pakistan — it has already changed the dynamics of militancy here,” said Muhammad Amir Rana, director for the Pak Institute for Peace Studies, using the Arabic acronym for the group. “Our groups were in crisis; now Daish has provided them with a powerful framework that is transforming their narrative.” | “It doesn’t matter that Daish has not yet established its presence in Pakistan — it has already changed the dynamics of militancy here,” said Muhammad Amir Rana, director for the Pak Institute for Peace Studies, using the Arabic acronym for the group. “Our groups were in crisis; now Daish has provided them with a powerful framework that is transforming their narrative.” |
| Although security officials insist that Islamic State has no operational presence in Pakistan, officials are still racing to account for the perceived threat. | Although security officials insist that Islamic State has no operational presence in Pakistan, officials are still racing to account for the perceived threat. |
| During his visit to Washington this week, the new Pakistani Army chief, Gen. Raheel Sharif, assured his American hosts that the Islamic State would not be allowed to take root in Pakistan. Instead, officials say, local groups are using the Islamic State name. | During his visit to Washington this week, the new Pakistani Army chief, Gen. Raheel Sharif, assured his American hosts that the Islamic State would not be allowed to take root in Pakistan. Instead, officials say, local groups are using the Islamic State name. |
| When Islamic State posters appeared on electricity poles in Lahore, the hometown of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, this month, the police blamed it on sectarian militant groups like Lashkar-e-Jhangvi. “They are just using the Daish name to intimidate Shiites,” said Ijaz Shafi Dogar, a senior police commander. | When Islamic State posters appeared on electricity poles in Lahore, the hometown of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, this month, the police blamed it on sectarian militant groups like Lashkar-e-Jhangvi. “They are just using the Daish name to intimidate Shiites,” said Ijaz Shafi Dogar, a senior police commander. |
| Even non-jihadist groups are seizing on the potency of the Islamic State brand. In Karachi, secular politicians have claimed that Islamic State graffiti shows how militants are slipping into the city amid an influx of Pashtun migrants — a contention angrily rebutted by Pashtun leaders. | Even non-jihadist groups are seizing on the potency of the Islamic State brand. In Karachi, secular politicians have claimed that Islamic State graffiti shows how militants are slipping into the city amid an influx of Pashtun migrants — a contention angrily rebutted by Pashtun leaders. |
| “It is totally exaggerated, and an attempt to slur our community,” said Abdul Razzaq, a community leader. | “It is totally exaggerated, and an attempt to slur our community,” said Abdul Razzaq, a community leader. |
| But inside the splintering network of the Pakistani Taliban, the Islamic State phenomenon has acted as a powerful catalyst for brewing tensions. | But inside the splintering network of the Pakistani Taliban, the Islamic State phenomenon has acted as a powerful catalyst for brewing tensions. |
| As a punishing military offensive against militant cells in the North Waziristan enters its sixth month, the Islamic State has highlighted to militant leaders the shortcomings of their own insurgency and provided an outlet for dissent. | As a punishing military offensive against militant cells in the North Waziristan enters its sixth month, the Islamic State has highlighted to militant leaders the shortcomings of their own insurgency and provided an outlet for dissent. |
| The ISIS cause became openly divisive in October when a group of six commanders in the tribal belt, led by Sheikh Maqbool, a former Taliban spokesman, openly pledged loyalty to the Islamic State. | The ISIS cause became openly divisive in October when a group of six commanders in the tribal belt, led by Sheikh Maqbool, a former Taliban spokesman, openly pledged loyalty to the Islamic State. |
| “A large number of mujahedeen are with us,” said Abu Zar Khurassani, a commander in the breakaway faction. “Soon we will decide on how to help the Islamic State.” | “A large number of mujahedeen are with us,” said Abu Zar Khurassani, a commander in the breakaway faction. “Soon we will decide on how to help the Islamic State.” |
| The split was partly a product of simmering tensions inside the Taliban leadership, said a Taliban commander in Peshawar, who spoke on the condition of anonymity. But, he added, many fighters have also been inspired by the dramatic image of Mr. Baghdadi, who has appeared in videos draped in a black cloak. | The split was partly a product of simmering tensions inside the Taliban leadership, said a Taliban commander in Peshawar, who spoke on the condition of anonymity. But, he added, many fighters have also been inspired by the dramatic image of Mr. Baghdadi, who has appeared in videos draped in a black cloak. |
| He presents a stark contrast with the Afghan Taliban leader, Mullah Muhammad Omar, who has not been seen since American airstrikes drove him from Afghanistan 13 years ago. | He presents a stark contrast with the Afghan Taliban leader, Mullah Muhammad Omar, who has not been seen since American airstrikes drove him from Afghanistan 13 years ago. |
| “The mujahedeen are raising questions about how we can follow someone whose presence has not been confirmed for the past decade, except for greetings at Eid,” said the commander, referring to an annual Islamic holiday. “We don’t even know if he’s dead or alive.” | “The mujahedeen are raising questions about how we can follow someone whose presence has not been confirmed for the past decade, except for greetings at Eid,” said the commander, referring to an annual Islamic holiday. “We don’t even know if he’s dead or alive.” |
| Although the Islamic State has extended its franchise and resources to at least one other foreign militant movement, Ansar Beit al-Maqdis, which is battling Egypt in Sinai, such recognition has not been publicly granted to any Pakistan-based groups. In a video message, Mr. Maqbool, the breakaway Taliban commander, said he had tried to reach the Islamic State several times over the summer, using Arab intermediaries, but had yet to receive a reply. | Although the Islamic State has extended its franchise and resources to at least one other foreign militant movement, Ansar Beit al-Maqdis, which is battling Egypt in Sinai, such recognition has not been publicly granted to any Pakistan-based groups. In a video message, Mr. Maqbool, the breakaway Taliban commander, said he had tried to reach the Islamic State several times over the summer, using Arab intermediaries, but had yet to receive a reply. |
| Yet there are also signs that the Islamic State’s leadership is aware of its Pakistani constituency and wishes to pander to it. | Yet there are also signs that the Islamic State’s leadership is aware of its Pakistani constituency and wishes to pander to it. |
| In the summer, the Islamic State publicly demanded the release of Aafia Siddiqui, a Pakistani scientist serving an 86-year prison term in the United States for her part in an attack on Americans in Afghanistan, in exchange for the American journalists James Foley and Steven J. Sotloff, who were later beheaded. | In the summer, the Islamic State publicly demanded the release of Aafia Siddiqui, a Pakistani scientist serving an 86-year prison term in the United States for her part in an attack on Americans in Afghanistan, in exchange for the American journalists James Foley and Steven J. Sotloff, who were later beheaded. |
| “That’s quite important,” said Zahid Hussain, author of “The Scorpion’s Tail,” a book about the rise of Islamist militancy in Pakistan. “It shows they knew who Aafia Siddiqui was, and that they wanted to have some kind of influence on the Pakistan groups.” | “That’s quite important,” said Zahid Hussain, author of “The Scorpion’s Tail,” a book about the rise of Islamist militancy in Pakistan. “It shows they knew who Aafia Siddiqui was, and that they wanted to have some kind of influence on the Pakistan groups.” |
| In fact, there are important connections, historic and current, between the jihadist fronts in Pakistan and the Middle East. | In fact, there are important connections, historic and current, between the jihadist fronts in Pakistan and the Middle East. |
| Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, the Jordanian militant commander killed by American forces in Iraq in 2006, lived in Pakistan and Afghanistan for long spells during the 1990s and early 2000s. The eruption of civil war in Syria in 2011 drew a steady traffic of fighters from militant groups, both foreign and local, based in the Pakistan-Afghanistan border area. | Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, the Jordanian militant commander killed by American forces in Iraq in 2006, lived in Pakistan and Afghanistan for long spells during the 1990s and early 2000s. The eruption of civil war in Syria in 2011 drew a steady traffic of fighters from militant groups, both foreign and local, based in the Pakistan-Afghanistan border area. |
| “The linkages are old,” said one senior Pakistani security official in Peshawar, speaking on the condition of anonymity. “They went quietly — not in droves but in ones and twos.” | “The linkages are old,” said one senior Pakistani security official in Peshawar, speaking on the condition of anonymity. “They went quietly — not in droves but in ones and twos.” |
| Recruiters draw on Pakistan’s broad pool of extremist and sectarian militant groups; most recently Saudi-funded groups have recruited fighters from Baluchistan Province, where violence against Shiites is high, said Mr. Hussain, the analyst. | Recruiters draw on Pakistan’s broad pool of extremist and sectarian militant groups; most recently Saudi-funded groups have recruited fighters from Baluchistan Province, where violence against Shiites is high, said Mr. Hussain, the analyst. |
| Some fear those fighters could at some point return from the Middle East imbued with an invigorated sense of purpose — and money from Iraqi oil fields — to further stoke Pakistan’s own wars. | Some fear those fighters could at some point return from the Middle East imbued with an invigorated sense of purpose — and money from Iraqi oil fields — to further stoke Pakistan’s own wars. |
| “We don’t discount the emergence of a new militant front in the region that has a direct nexus with Islamic State,” the security official in Peshawar said. | “We don’t discount the emergence of a new militant front in the region that has a direct nexus with Islamic State,” the security official in Peshawar said. |
| Tentative contacts have already begun according to some intelligence reports. In an internal letter last month, officials with the Home Department of Sindh Province warned that an Islamic State representative from Uzbekistan had appointed Abid Kahot, a militant commander based in Rawalpindi, to draw Pakistani groups into the Islamic State’s orbit. The letter was seen by The New York Times, but its authenticity could not be confirmed. | Tentative contacts have already begun according to some intelligence reports. In an internal letter last month, officials with the Home Department of Sindh Province warned that an Islamic State representative from Uzbekistan had appointed Abid Kahot, a militant commander based in Rawalpindi, to draw Pakistani groups into the Islamic State’s orbit. The letter was seen by The New York Times, but its authenticity could not be confirmed. |
| Still, other Pakistani officials are skeptical that the Islamic State could change much in a country that has already suffered years of suicide bombings, beheadings, drone strikes and several tens of thousands of deaths. “In tactical terms, it would change nothing,” said one government official in northwestern Pakistan. | Still, other Pakistani officials are skeptical that the Islamic State could change much in a country that has already suffered years of suicide bombings, beheadings, drone strikes and several tens of thousands of deaths. “In tactical terms, it would change nothing,” said one government official in northwestern Pakistan. |
| The last jihadist conglomerate group to create such a frisson among Pakistani militants was Al Qaeda. Although still the predominant foreign group in the country, Al Qaeda’s ranks have been hit by American drone strikes while the communications of its leader Ayman al-Zawahri, who tends to use lengthy video and audio recordings, appear dated alongside the nimble social media of the Islamic State. | The last jihadist conglomerate group to create such a frisson among Pakistani militants was Al Qaeda. Although still the predominant foreign group in the country, Al Qaeda’s ranks have been hit by American drone strikes while the communications of its leader Ayman al-Zawahri, who tends to use lengthy video and audio recordings, appear dated alongside the nimble social media of the Islamic State. |
| Apparently seeking to bolster his support in the region, Mr. Zawahri announced a new Qaeda franchise, named Al Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent, in September. This month the group’s spokesman, Usama Mahmood, called on rival jihadist groups in Syria to unite against the United States. | Apparently seeking to bolster his support in the region, Mr. Zawahri announced a new Qaeda franchise, named Al Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent, in September. This month the group’s spokesman, Usama Mahmood, called on rival jihadist groups in Syria to unite against the United States. |
| Failure to face up to the incipient threat of the Islamic State could pose a greater danger to Pakistan than Al Qaeda ever did, the English-language newspaper Dawn warned in a recent editorial. | Failure to face up to the incipient threat of the Islamic State could pose a greater danger to Pakistan than Al Qaeda ever did, the English-language newspaper Dawn warned in a recent editorial. |
| “Miss the warning signs now, or fail to deny it space within Pakistan,” it said, “and it may not be long before I.S. becomes the mother of all militant problems.” | “Miss the warning signs now, or fail to deny it space within Pakistan,” it said, “and it may not be long before I.S. becomes the mother of all militant problems.” |