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A Struggle for the Soul of Hong Kong’s Protest Movement A Struggle for the Soul of Hong Kong’s Protest Movement
(about 9 hours later)
HONG KONG — Most mornings for weeks, a shaven-headed, goateed, former screenwriter has held court in one of the pro-democracy protest camps here. In earthy, sometimes profane, lectures before dozens of supporters, Wong Yeung-tat has berated, mocked and goaded the government and, increasingly, the student protest leaders and democratic politicians he deems too timid. HONG KONG — Most mornings for weeks, in one of the pro-democracy protest camps here, Wong Yeung-tat has berated, mocked and goaded the government and, increasingly, the student protest leaders and democratic politicians he deems too timid.
“The Occupy campaign needs to be taken to a new level,” he said in an interview. “There needs to be escalation, occupation of more areas or maybe government buildings. The campaign at this stage has become too stable." “The occupy campaign needs to be taken to a new level,” he said in an interview. “There needs to be escalation, occupation of more areas or maybe government buildings. The campaign at this stage has become too stable.”
Mr. Wong’s confrontational diatribes lie at the heart of a deepening struggle for the soul of Hong Kong’s protest movement. Having taken to the streets nearly two months ago to oppose election restrictions by Beijing, the protesters have become fractured by exhaustion, distrust and polarization over strategy. Mr. Wong’s confrontational, sometimes profane, diatribes lie at the heart of a deepening struggle for the soul of Hong Kong’s protest movement. Having taken to the streets nearly two months ago to oppose election restrictions from Beijing, the protesters have become fractured by exhaustion, distrust and polarization over strategy.
Mr. Wong’s organization, Civic Passion, and a tangle of like-minded groups, Internet collectives and free-floating agitators have grown impatient with the milder path supported by most protesters. They argue that only stronger action, such as new occupations, can force concessions from the Hong Kong government and the Chinese Communist Party.Mr. Wong’s organization, Civic Passion, and a tangle of like-minded groups, Internet collectives and free-floating agitators have grown impatient with the milder path supported by most protesters. They argue that only stronger action, such as new occupations, can force concessions from the Hong Kong government and the Chinese Communist Party.
While not advocating violence, Mr. Wong scorned the democratic politicians who condemned an attack on the city’s legislative council last week, shattering two windows as well as the mainstream movement’s carefully nurtured ethos of peaceful disobedience. The politicians, he said, betrayed “those who carry out actual struggles.”While not advocating violence, Mr. Wong scorned the democratic politicians who condemned an attack on the city’s legislative council last week, shattering two windows as well as the mainstream movement’s carefully nurtured ethos of peaceful disobedience. The politicians, he said, betrayed “those who carry out actual struggles.”
He said two of the 11 people arrested in the attack were members of Civic Passion, which claims several hundred committed members and a much larger following online, where Mr. Wong’s speeches are posted. He said two of the 11 people arrested in the attack were members of Civic Passion, which claims several hundred committed members and a larger following online, where Mr. Wong’s speeches are posted.
“The moderates are still the majority, but Civic Passion and groups like them have a big influence on the Internet and among the youth,” said Lam Hong-ching, a Hong Kong media commentator who has written a history of the city’s waves of political protest. “I think there’ll be more and more conflict between the two sides.” “The moderates are still the majority, but Civic Passion and groups like them have a big influence on the Internet and among the youth,” said Lam Hong-ching, a Hong Kong media commentator who has written a history of political protest in the city. “I think there’ll be more and more conflict between the two sides.”
Lately, groups like Civic Passion have taken a more prominent role at the city’s three protest camps, especially at Mong Kok, the teeming, raucous neighborhood that has become a base for their pugnacious brand of opposition politics.Lately, groups like Civic Passion have taken a more prominent role at the city’s three protest camps, especially at Mong Kok, the teeming, raucous neighborhood that has become a base for their pugnacious brand of opposition politics.
Signs of the defiance against the mainstream protest organizers abound in posters and speeches. Groups like Civic Passion have also harnessed the Internet and pop imagery, using a news website and a ribald manga magazine, Teen Passion Weekly, to woo youth disaffected with the established political parties. The magazine has lately featured a running series based on the Occupy protests. The groups have also used a news website and a ribald manga comic-book style magazine, Teen Passion Weekly, to attract youth disaffected with the established political parties.
“This is marketing for civic resistance,” said Cheng Chung-tai, a teacher at Hong Kong Polytechnic University who is a close associate of Mr. Wong’s. “People think politics is dirty and boring, but through popular culture and humor we can change that.” “This is marketing for civic resistance,” said Cheng Chung-tai, a teacher at Hong Kong Polytechnic University who is an associate of Mr. Wong’s. “People think politics is dirty and boring, but through popular culture and humor we can change that.”
Mainstream protesters fear confrontational tactics could tear the movement apart and anger ordinary residents, many already tiring of the protest camps.Mainstream protesters fear confrontational tactics could tear the movement apart and anger ordinary residents, many already tiring of the protest camps.
“It will be difficult to narrow the differences,” said Lee Cheuk-yan, the chairman of the pro-democracy Labor Party, who has been castigated by the movement’s more zealous wing. “We have already escalated to a high point. If it would further alienate public opinion, then that’s something we don’t want to see.”“It will be difficult to narrow the differences,” said Lee Cheuk-yan, the chairman of the pro-democracy Labor Party, who has been castigated by the movement’s more zealous wing. “We have already escalated to a high point. If it would further alienate public opinion, then that’s something we don’t want to see.”
Pro-government forces see groups like Civic Passion as little more than criminal, with Hong Kong newspapers loyal to Beijing condemning them as bent on sowing chaos. Pro-government forces see groups like Civic Passion as criminal, with Hong Kong newspapers loyal to Beijing condemning them as bent on sowing chaos.
“Overseas, an extremist, violent organization like Civic Passion would be classed as a terrorist organization,” Wenwei Po, a Hong Kong newspaper that supports Beijing’s policies, said Friday. It called for Mr. Wong to be punished by the courts.“Overseas, an extremist, violent organization like Civic Passion would be classed as a terrorist organization,” Wenwei Po, a Hong Kong newspaper that supports Beijing’s policies, said Friday. It called for Mr. Wong to be punished by the courts.
Mr. Wong, 35, nicknamed “Emperor” by his followers, is easily recognized by his goatee, shaven head and enormous glasses. Disillusioned with compromises made by moderate democrats in city government, he helped found the group in 2012. Mr. Wong, 35, nicknamed “Emperor” by his followers, is easily recognizable by his goatee, closely cropped hair and oversize glasses. Disillusioned with compromises made by moderate democrats in city government, he helped found Civic Passion in 2012.
“Now I’m afraid that they might sell us out again,” he said one recent morning after a breakfast of Coke and cigarettes, denouncing calls for compromise and retreat. “Now I’m afraid that they might sell us out again,” he said one recent morning after a breakfast of Coca-Cola and cigarettes.
Groups like his have mixed their demands for unfettered self-government in Hong Kong with what some analysts call a localist resentment of mainland Chinese immigration and influence. Groups like his have mixed their demands for unfettered self-government in Hong Kong with resentment of mainland Chinese immigration and influence.
“The sentiment against mainlandization has provided an energy behind the movement,” Mr. Wong said. “It’s like the colonization of Hong Kong, using mainland people to replace local people.” “It’s like the colonization of Hong Kong, using mainland people to replace local people,” Mr. Wong said.
Critics have called such rhetoric far-right demagoguery, but Civic Passion’s populism also embraces liberal positions against the city’s tycoons and for welfare rights. Critics have called such rhetoric far-right demagoguery, but Civic Passion’s populism also embraces welfare rights and liberal positions against the city’s tycoons.
“It is difficult to put it in the left-right mold in a U.S.-Europe sense,” said Ho-fung Hung, an associate professor of sociology at Johns Hopkins University who follows opposition politics in Hong Kong, his home city. Going forward, Mr. Wong has called for “flash occupations” of new sites, organized over the Internet that would strain police efforts to contain them. “It doesn’t take a lot of human resources and it’s flexible,” he said.
Where all this leads is unclear. Such tactics, and their support on the street, could be put to the test on Tuesday, when the police have said they will enforce a court injunction ordering protesters to clear part of the street camp at Mong Kok. Last week, the police enforced a court injunction in part of the other main protest site, the Admiralty district, but Mong Kok has attracted young workers and activists who favor greater confrontation.
Mr. Wong said his idea of the next step includes so-called “flash occupations” of new sites, more or less spontaneous sit-ins organized over the Internet that would strain police efforts to contain them. “It doesn’t take a lot of human resources and it’s flexible,” he said. Some protesters said a victory at the barricades would demoralize the police and force the government to offer concessions. Others said that even if victory was out of reach, the conflict would steel protesters for future struggles.
Such tactics, and their support on the street, could be put to the test on Tuesday, when the police have said they will enforce a court injunction ordering protesters to clear part of the street camp at Mong Kok. (There is a separate injunction that the police could later cite to attempt to clear the rest of the camp.) Last week, the police enforced a court injunction in a small part of the other main protest site, the Admiralty district, but Mong Kok has attracted a wider mix of society, including young workers and activists who favor greater confrontation.
Some said a victory at the barricades would demoralize the police and force the government to offer concessions. Others said that even if victory was out of reach, the conflict would steel protesters for future struggles.
“The force of the police has already reached its limit,” said Chin Wan-kan, a university lecturer who supports the Mong Kok protests. “But the resistance movement of the people still has a lot of potential to be cultivated.”“The force of the police has already reached its limit,” said Chin Wan-kan, a university lecturer who supports the Mong Kok protests. “But the resistance movement of the people still has a lot of potential to be cultivated.”