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France’s Jouyet family, where power politics and pink champagne mix France’s Jouyet family, where power politics and pink champagne mix
(35 minutes later)
On 15 July 2013, François Hollande required no assistance from his staff since, very unusually, he was familiar with all of the 40 or so people facing him in the main reception room at the Elysée palace in Paris. His oldest friend, Jean-Pierre Jouyet, was in the front row, with several children from his extended family. The president knows them almost as well as his own. Also in attendance were several members of the Voltaire year (1980) at the Ecole Nationale d’Administration (ENA) who have come to the fore under Hollande. The Taittinger champagne family was there too, as Brigitte, one of its scions and Jouyet’s second wife, was receiving the Légion d’Honneur. She had recently been appointed head of strategy at the Paris Institut d’Etudes Politiques (aka Sciences Po), another key hothouse producing the French elite.On 15 July 2013, François Hollande required no assistance from his staff since, very unusually, he was familiar with all of the 40 or so people facing him in the main reception room at the Elysée palace in Paris. His oldest friend, Jean-Pierre Jouyet, was in the front row, with several children from his extended family. The president knows them almost as well as his own. Also in attendance were several members of the Voltaire year (1980) at the Ecole Nationale d’Administration (ENA) who have come to the fore under Hollande. The Taittinger champagne family was there too, as Brigitte, one of its scions and Jouyet’s second wife, was receiving the Légion d’Honneur. She had recently been appointed head of strategy at the Paris Institut d’Etudes Politiques (aka Sciences Po), another key hothouse producing the French elite.
Before decorating his friend, a dynamic woman of 55, the president recalled her family and its long history, glossing over her grandfather’s allegiance to Marshal Pétain. He cited Brigitte’s gift for “winning people’s confidence”, including his own, and the couple’s talent for entertaining the establishment at their vast apartment in the 16th arrondissement, a mixture of left and right. On election nights at the Jouyets, at least half the guests are only too happy to toast the victors with Taittinger pink champagne.Before decorating his friend, a dynamic woman of 55, the president recalled her family and its long history, glossing over her grandfather’s allegiance to Marshal Pétain. He cited Brigitte’s gift for “winning people’s confidence”, including his own, and the couple’s talent for entertaining the establishment at their vast apartment in the 16th arrondissement, a mixture of left and right. On election nights at the Jouyets, at least half the guests are only too happy to toast the victors with Taittinger pink champagne.
This gathering at the Elysée, more like a family get-together than an official ceremony, was emblematic of Hollande’s style. The president sang the praises of “family capitalism” and officially pardoned Jouyet, a keen European and progressive Roman Catholic, for his “sinuous” career, a veiled reference to his role in Nicolas Sarkozy’s first government. Less than a year after this party, with his ratings plummeting, Hollande appointed his oldest friend as sécrétaire-général (head of staff) of his executive.This gathering at the Elysée, more like a family get-together than an official ceremony, was emblematic of Hollande’s style. The president sang the praises of “family capitalism” and officially pardoned Jouyet, a keen European and progressive Roman Catholic, for his “sinuous” career, a veiled reference to his role in Nicolas Sarkozy’s first government. Less than a year after this party, with his ratings plummeting, Hollande appointed his oldest friend as sécrétaire-général (head of staff) of his executive.
It was an unusual move, but for Hollande the Jouyets are almost his second family, well versed in public affairs but equally well acquainted with his personal life, rather like in the old days of the monarchy when the interests of the state became confused with those of the ruler.It was an unusual move, but for Hollande the Jouyets are almost his second family, well versed in public affairs but equally well acquainted with his personal life, rather like in the old days of the monarchy when the interests of the state became confused with those of the ruler.
“I’m rightwing”, Mme Jouyet admits, even in front of the Socialists her husband has served. “Emmanuel Macron [the new economy minister, thought to have neoliberal leanings] is more leftwing than me,” Jouyet quips, in his Elysée office, where he tries to shield the president from unwanted intrusions. “See about that with Jean-Pierre,” Hollande says, despite being notoriously bad at delegating. Jouyet has never joined the Socialist party (PS), but trust and common ground are enough. The two even wrote a book together in 1985, a manifesto for change on the left. “I’m rightwing,” Mme Jouyet admits, even in front of the Socialists her husband has served. “Emmanuel Macron [the new economy minister, thought to have neoliberal leanings] is more leftwing than me,” Jouyet quips, in his Elysée office, where he tries to shield the president from unwanted intrusions. “See about that with Jean-Pierre,” Hollande says, despite being notoriously bad at delegating. Jouyet has never joined the Socialist party (PS), but trust and common ground are enough. The two even wrote a book together in 1985, a manifesto for change on the left.
In those days Jean-Pierre and Brigitte were married to other people. They would go on weekend trips to Brussels or London with a tightly knit bunch of friends dating back to their time at ENA and Sciences Po. The group included Jean-Pierre Mignard, now the president’s lawyer, and of course Hollande and his partner Ségolène Royal. Purportedly already the natural leader, it became customary for the group to get together for Hollande’s birthday.In those days Jean-Pierre and Brigitte were married to other people. They would go on weekend trips to Brussels or London with a tightly knit bunch of friends dating back to their time at ENA and Sciences Po. The group included Jean-Pierre Mignard, now the president’s lawyer, and of course Hollande and his partner Ségolène Royal. Purportedly already the natural leader, it became customary for the group to get together for Hollande’s birthday.
Couples broke up as time passed but often new matches formed within the same group. Claudine Ripert, now a presidential adviser on communication, married Bernard Cottin, former head of cable operator Numericable, and Brigitte Taittinger became the second Mme Jouyet.Couples broke up as time passed but often new matches formed within the same group. Claudine Ripert, now a presidential adviser on communication, married Bernard Cottin, former head of cable operator Numericable, and Brigitte Taittinger became the second Mme Jouyet.
The Jouyets married in 2006, seven years after the birth of their daughter. Brigitte belongs to an old family, a mixture of ancien regime nobility and the bourgeoisie. By tradition they are socially aware Catholics with a history of political service. “Politics was always a key topic at dinner parties,” says Anne-Claire Taittinger, a cousin and former head of the family firm. Jouyet comes of old Norman stock, the son of a small-town solicitor with Gaullist sympathies. He went to school in Rouen, as did Hollande.The Jouyets married in 2006, seven years after the birth of their daughter. Brigitte belongs to an old family, a mixture of ancien regime nobility and the bourgeoisie. By tradition they are socially aware Catholics with a history of political service. “Politics was always a key topic at dinner parties,” says Anne-Claire Taittinger, a cousin and former head of the family firm. Jouyet comes of old Norman stock, the son of a small-town solicitor with Gaullist sympathies. He went to school in Rouen, as did Hollande.
Their generation missed the student unrest of 1968. They voted for the first time in 1978, when the left narrowly missed a parliamentary majority. Political involvement was restricted to pressure groups including Témoin (meaning “Witness”), founded by Jacques Delors. “Why did you call it ‘Témoin’?”, Jouyet once asked him. “Because I am the witness of your political advancement,” Delors responded with irony. “They were ambitious and I wanted them to know I wasn’t fooled,” the former head of the European commission explained recently. Their generation missed the student unrest of 1968. They voted for the first time in 1978, when the left narrowly missed a parliamentary majority. Political involvement was restricted to pressure groups including Témoin (meaning “Witness”), founded by Jacques Delors. “Why did you call it ‘Témoin’?” Jouyet once asked him. “Because I am the witness of your political advancement,” Delors responded with irony. “They were ambitious and I wanted them to know I wasn’t fooled,” the former head of the European commission explained recently.
Jouyet and Hollande were in the same year at ENA and already close. The top civil service jobs go to those best placed in the graduate school’s final exams. Hollande, who wanted to leave time for politics, opted for a position at the Cour des Comptes (court of auditors), leaving his allotted place as an inspecteur des impôts to his friend, with the promise of a plum job at the finance ministry. Without that opening, Brigitte admits, “my husband often says he would have to come to nothing”. It brought him into contact with top figures in politics and business. He went on to serve as deputy-PA to Lionel Jospin when he was prime minister. It was around this time that he met Brigitte.Jouyet and Hollande were in the same year at ENA and already close. The top civil service jobs go to those best placed in the graduate school’s final exams. Hollande, who wanted to leave time for politics, opted for a position at the Cour des Comptes (court of auditors), leaving his allotted place as an inspecteur des impôts to his friend, with the promise of a plum job at the finance ministry. Without that opening, Brigitte admits, “my husband often says he would have to come to nothing”. It brought him into contact with top figures in politics and business. He went on to serve as deputy-PA to Lionel Jospin when he was prime minister. It was around this time that he met Brigitte.
As a couple they soon became well known for their dinner parties. “They are so good at starting discussions so everyone can join in,” says one regular. They are also members of the Siècle club. “It’s the place to be if you want to keep tabs on what’s going on in business and politics.” Regardless of who is in power.As a couple they soon became well known for their dinner parties. “They are so good at starting discussions so everyone can join in,” says one regular. They are also members of the Siècle club. “It’s the place to be if you want to keep tabs on what’s going on in business and politics.” Regardless of who is in power.
So they have rarely been out in the cold, except perhaps in 2007, during the presidential campaign. Royal deliberately ignored her erstwhile holiday buddy. Though entirely in tune with her brand of politics, the Jouyets had “covered up” Hollande’s liaison with Valérie Trierweiler. Shortly before the election Jouyet launched a pressure group with various leftwing bankers and business leaders to promote the idea of an alliance between the PS candidate and the Centrist François Bayrou.So they have rarely been out in the cold, except perhaps in 2007, during the presidential campaign. Royal deliberately ignored her erstwhile holiday buddy. Though entirely in tune with her brand of politics, the Jouyets had “covered up” Hollande’s liaison with Valérie Trierweiler. Shortly before the election Jouyet launched a pressure group with various leftwing bankers and business leaders to promote the idea of an alliance between the PS candidate and the Centrist François Bayrou.
This political fence-sitting did not escape the attention of the eventual winner, Sarkozy, who persuaded Jouyet to join the new government as secretary of state for European affairs. Even now Jouyet asserts that he owed this promotion to his cordial relations with the former minister of the economy – and his wife Cécilia – when he was at the head of the Treasury. It seems more plausible that the new president fancied the idea of stealing Hollande’s best friend.This political fence-sitting did not escape the attention of the eventual winner, Sarkozy, who persuaded Jouyet to join the new government as secretary of state for European affairs. Even now Jouyet asserts that he owed this promotion to his cordial relations with the former minister of the economy – and his wife Cécilia – when he was at the head of the Treasury. It seems more plausible that the new president fancied the idea of stealing Hollande’s best friend.
Hollande, still PS leader at the time, was horrified. Jouyet tried to play it down, claiming it was “just a technical job, during France’s EU presidency”. But everyone knew it was a political position, which meant attending cabinet meetings. “We were at [the PS headquarters in] Rue Solferino,” an eyewitness recalls. “François was pallid. I heard him say: ‘It’s your decision, which I respect. But I regret it too. We’ll become more distant.’”Hollande, still PS leader at the time, was horrified. Jouyet tried to play it down, claiming it was “just a technical job, during France’s EU presidency”. But everyone knew it was a political position, which meant attending cabinet meetings. “We were at [the PS headquarters in] Rue Solferino,” an eyewitness recalls. “François was pallid. I heard him say: ‘It’s your decision, which I respect. But I regret it too. We’ll become more distant.’”
Undaunted, Jouyet went on sending his friend admiring text messages, but in vain. Speaking in parliament, as the leader of the opposition, Hollande would see his old friend on the government bench. In an interview with Le Monde he noted: “Jean-Pierre has always been rightwing.”Undaunted, Jouyet went on sending his friend admiring text messages, but in vain. Speaking in parliament, as the leader of the opposition, Hollande would see his old friend on the government bench. In an interview with Le Monde he noted: “Jean-Pierre has always been rightwing.”
Dinner guests at the Jouyets included new prime minister François Fillon, finance minister Christine Lagarde or Charles-Henri Filippi, then head of HSBC France. Also Aquilino Morelle, who had worked as an adviser to Jospin in 1997, alongside Manuel Valls [today prime minister]. How could one blame “this marvellous friend” for crossing the Rubicon, how could one penalise “a kind man who can’t bear to hurt anyone”, asks former centrist MEP Jean-Louis Bourlanges.Dinner guests at the Jouyets included new prime minister François Fillon, finance minister Christine Lagarde or Charles-Henri Filippi, then head of HSBC France. Also Aquilino Morelle, who had worked as an adviser to Jospin in 1997, alongside Manuel Valls [today prime minister]. How could one blame “this marvellous friend” for crossing the Rubicon, how could one penalise “a kind man who can’t bear to hurt anyone”, asks former centrist MEP Jean-Louis Bourlanges.
One day in May 2008, shortly before the start of the French EU presidency, Jouyet passed a note to Hollande in parliament, via an usher. They ended up having dinner in private. “If you like, I’ll resign now,” he suggested. Hollande said it would be better to wait till the end of the year. In early 2009 Jouyet was appointed head of the financial markets regulator.One day in May 2008, shortly before the start of the French EU presidency, Jouyet passed a note to Hollande in parliament, via an usher. They ended up having dinner in private. “If you like, I’ll resign now,” he suggested. Hollande said it would be better to wait till the end of the year. In early 2009 Jouyet was appointed head of the financial markets regulator.
In May 2012, as the Jouyets had hoped, “François” was elected president. Two months later Hollande put his friend in charge of the Caisse des Dépôts (CdC), France’s top public funding organisation. There were strings attached, though, and Jouyet was instructed to patch things up with Royal, who had her eye on the Banque Publique d’Investissement, in which CdC has a large share. In due course she was appointed vice-president.In May 2012, as the Jouyets had hoped, “François” was elected president. Two months later Hollande put his friend in charge of the Caisse des Dépôts (CdC), France’s top public funding organisation. There were strings attached, though, and Jouyet was instructed to patch things up with Royal, who had her eye on the Banque Publique d’Investissement, in which CdC has a large share. In due course she was appointed vice-president.
Two years ago one of Jouyet’s sons died, a loss that brought the two men closer. Hollande, anxious to take his mind off this personal tragedy, suggested to his friend that he should join him as head of staff at the presidency. “I’d worked at Matignon [the prime minister’s office], but never at the Elysée. I agreed for the sake of my father and my wife,” he explains, smiling blandly. “The state is a good employer. It has given me all that the son of a provincial notary could ever desire.”Two years ago one of Jouyet’s sons died, a loss that brought the two men closer. Hollande, anxious to take his mind off this personal tragedy, suggested to his friend that he should join him as head of staff at the presidency. “I’d worked at Matignon [the prime minister’s office], but never at the Elysée. I agreed for the sake of my father and my wife,” he explains, smiling blandly. “The state is a good employer. It has given me all that the son of a provincial notary could ever desire.”
Jouyet seems to fit perfectly into the conventional mould of an elite fashioned by the Fifth Republic. He is “pro-European and sensible”, says Bourlanges, “but it’s no longer quite the thing”. In times of crisis, the general public dislikes people with money or privilege. The left distrusts Catholics, particularly as they feature largely in all the demonstrations against Hollande. Ever since the executive started speaking favourably about the business world, Jouyet has been not only the embodiment of 1990s received economic wisdom but also of the neoliberal-socialist line that so infuriates rebel PS MPs. “I do find it a bit much that just after taking a bashing in the local elections he should bring in someone who was a secretary of state under Sarkozy,” says MEP Emmanuel Maurel.Jouyet seems to fit perfectly into the conventional mould of an elite fashioned by the Fifth Republic. He is “pro-European and sensible”, says Bourlanges, “but it’s no longer quite the thing”. In times of crisis, the general public dislikes people with money or privilege. The left distrusts Catholics, particularly as they feature largely in all the demonstrations against Hollande. Ever since the executive started speaking favourably about the business world, Jouyet has been not only the embodiment of 1990s received economic wisdom but also of the neoliberal-socialist line that so infuriates rebel PS MPs. “I do find it a bit much that just after taking a bashing in the local elections he should bring in someone who was a secretary of state under Sarkozy,” says MEP Emmanuel Maurel.
“The least one can say is that Jouyet and all Hollande’s ministers belong to the same clique. But it will bring on their fall,” former adviser Morelle told the weekly Le Point. In private his friend, former industry minister Arnaud Montebourg, is honing bons mots to discredit his latest target, the “bourgeoisie of state”, the very same people who for many years have graced the Jouyet dinner table.“The least one can say is that Jouyet and all Hollande’s ministers belong to the same clique. But it will bring on their fall,” former adviser Morelle told the weekly Le Point. In private his friend, former industry minister Arnaud Montebourg, is honing bons mots to discredit his latest target, the “bourgeoisie of state”, the very same people who for many years have graced the Jouyet dinner table.
This article appeared in Guardian Weekly, which incorporates material from Le MondeThis article appeared in Guardian Weekly, which incorporates material from Le Monde