The Guardian view of Europe’s populists: left or right, they are united by a worrying xenophobia
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Version 0 of 1. With Syriza in power in Athens, and Podemos showing its strength on the streets of Madrid, there is a growing sense that a southern coalition of anti-austerity parties in Europe will overturn the existing dogma of economic discipline, largely upheld by Brussels and the north. There is cause to rejoice in the fact that stringent belt-tightening is now being questioned as the best way to pull Europe out of its doldrums. But the rise of these radical political forces tends also to fragment still further an already fragmented continent. In northern Europe, they attack the establishment from the right; in the south, from the left. The May 2014 European parliamentary elections were the first sign of a European Union-wide drive towards a populism which is now taking root in domestic politics across the member states, and 2015 will be a year of many general elections in the EU. Unlike the far-rightwing parties that are flourishing in northern Europe, Syriza and Podemos have steered clear of any anti-immigrant sentiment, and they have seriously toned down any anti-EU language (even if they criticise its policies). It is therefore much healthier for Europe to see such movements capture a general mood of discontent rather than the likes of Ukip or Marine Le Pen or the Sweden Democrats. Syriza and Podemos prefer to channel popular anger against the ruling class, the “casta” in Spanish, which includes centrist parties, left or right, all lumped together in popular opprobrium. But it would be dangerous and short-sighted not to point out the existing overlap between many anti-establishment movements. Insurgent parties of both left and right draw their conflicting passions from a well of nationalism, and this appears in the way that they apportion blame for the economic catastrophe. Both Spain and Greece have certainly been badly hit by the crisis and its aftermath. But it would be intellectually dishonest to lay all the blame for current hardships on Angela Merkel, as Syriza and Podemos often do, or on the patent dishonesty of Greek statistics, as northern European rightwingers do. Many of Spain’s difficulties find their origin in the home-grown speculative construction bubble of the early 2000s. Ideological extremes can meet in cold-blooded ways when it suits their interests. Such was the case when Syriza chose to form a coalition with the extreme-rightwing, nationalistic, anti-immigration and antisemitic Independent Greeks party. It is hard to see how the ideas upheld by such a partner can in any way fit with Syriza’s calls for democratic revival. Parliamentary arithmetic and the need for a broad anti-austerity front may be pleaded in mitigation, but it remains baffling how little criticism for this choice Syriza has received from leftist admirers elsewhere. They should also be disturbed by the support that Marine Le Pen had expressed for Syriza when she attacked “the totalitarianism of the EU and financial markets”. Another awkward overlap between the far right and far left can be found in their indulgence of Vladimir Putin’s propaganda over Ukraine. The first foreign official Alexis Tsipras received after his election was the Russian ambassador to Greece. Podemos has shown similar sympathy for official Russian views. It is puzzling to see how parties bent on fighting oligarchy and promoting transparency at home can find it so easy to cosy up to a corrupt authoritarian state such as Russia. All the above means voters will want reassurance of the insurgent parties’ respect for the basic rules of liberal democracy. Both Spain and Greece have vivid memories of fascism which act as antidote against far-right tendencies. But that argument also overlooks the fact that the neofascists of Golden Dawn came third in the recent Greek elections. Europe has a north-south divide which reflects the different preferred solutions to its economic troubles. The political colouring of its anti-establishment parties may also depend on how close a country is to the North Sea or to the Mediterranean. But a surprising and disturbing part of their romantic appeal stems from their nationalistic messages. The EU must become a union for sober patriots if it is to defeat the intoxications of nationalism. |