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Arab Alliance in Israeli Legislature Sees Unity as Vehicle for Progress Arab Alliance in Israeli Legislature Sees Unity as Vehicle for Progress
(about 2 hours later)
JERUSALEM — Leaders of Israel’s newly united, newly empowered Arab political faction have some demands: JERUSALEM — Leaders of Israel’s newly united, newly empowered Arab political faction have some demands:
They want seats on the interior, finance, education, legal, employment and social-affairs committees of Parliament. They hope to gain influence over the curriculum in Arab-sector schools and increase the budgets for Arab towns.They want seats on the interior, finance, education, legal, employment and social-affairs committees of Parliament. They hope to gain influence over the curriculum in Arab-sector schools and increase the budgets for Arab towns.
Perhaps most important, they seek to sustain their alliance despite deep ideological differences after emerging from Tuesday’s election as the third-largest block in Parliament. Faced with a fourth term of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who is likely to be heading a more conservative government, they say, unity is essential to having any chance of fighting inequality inside Israel and protesting the nation’s occupation of the West Bank. Perhaps most important, they seek to sustain their alliance despite deep ideological differences after emerging from Tuesday’s election as the third-largest block in Parliament. As the faction faces a fourth term of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who is likely to be leading a more conservative government, they say, unity is essential to having any chance of fighting inequality inside Israel and protesting the nation’s occupation of the West Bank.
“The fact of unity gives more weight to each individual member than if we were alone,” Haneen Zoabi, a lawmaker since 2009, said in an interview Thursday. “It has a weight and a presence that is different from being from individual parties that were on the margins of the parliamentary map.” “The fact of unity gives more weight to each individual member than if we were alone,” Haneen Zoabi, a lawmaker since 2009, said in an interview on Thursday. “It has a weight and a presence that is different from being from individual parties that were on the margins of the parliamentary map.”
Threatened with extinction by a law that demanded a higher percentage of votes than in the past for entry into the legislature, four disparate Arab-dominated parties acceded to public pressure and joined forces in late January. On Tuesday, their combined list succeeded in increasing Arab turnout — and, in Arab communities, increasing its votes versus those for so-called Zionist parties.Threatened with extinction by a law that demanded a higher percentage of votes than in the past for entry into the legislature, four disparate Arab-dominated parties acceded to public pressure and joined forces in late January. On Tuesday, their combined list succeeded in increasing Arab turnout — and, in Arab communities, increasing its votes versus those for so-called Zionist parties.
This yielded 13 of Parliament’s 120 seats, according to the final tally released Thursday, up from 11 in the last election. (One of the list’s members is Jewish; four other Arabs were elected from other parties.)This yielded 13 of Parliament’s 120 seats, according to the final tally released Thursday, up from 11 in the last election. (One of the list’s members is Jewish; four other Arabs were elected from other parties.)
But the list’s lawmakers, like their predecessors, will sit in the opposition, where Arabs have historically been even more sidelined from policy-making than their Jewish counterparts. There may be more of them, but they will most likely be laboring alongside a narrow, conservative coalition under a prime minister who in the final hours of the campaign tried to frighten his right-wing supporters with the prospect of Arabs flocking to polling places “in droves.” But the list’s lawmakers, like their predecessors, will sit in the opposition, where Arabs have historically been even more sidelined from policy making than their Jewish counterparts. There may be more of them, but they will most likely be laboring alongside a narrow, conservative coalition under a prime minister who in the final hours of the campaign tried to frighten his right-wing supporters with the prospect of Arabs’ flocking to polling places “in droves.”
“In a right-wing government, the numbers don’t make any difference — 11 versus 13, I don’t have many expectations,” said Mohammad Darawshe, an Arab-Israeli political analyst who works at a coexistence group. “It’s a victory feeling that you won the battle but you lost the war.”“In a right-wing government, the numbers don’t make any difference — 11 versus 13, I don’t have many expectations,” said Mohammad Darawshe, an Arab-Israeli political analyst who works at a coexistence group. “It’s a victory feeling that you won the battle but you lost the war.”
Arabs comprise a fifth of Israel’s population, and they have sent politicians to Parliament — called the Knesset — since it first convened in 1949. But their parties have never been part of a governing coalition. When an Arab lawmaker sat on the Foreign Affairs Committee, its chairman moved much of its important business to a subcommittee he was barred from. Arabs make up a fifth of Israel’s population, and they have sent politicians to Parliament — called the Knesset — since it first convened in 1949. But their parties have never been part of a governing coalition. When an Arab lawmaker sat on the Foreign Affairs Committee, its chairman moved much of its important business to a subcommittee he was barred from.
If Israel’s 1.7 million Arab citizens — including Druze, Bedouin, Christians and Muslims — often encounter discrimination and marginalization, their Knesset representatives deal daily with ridicule and recrimination. Last year, a bill was introduced — with Mr. Netanyahu’s support — aimed at ousting Ms. Zoabi for saying that the Palestinians who kidnapped and killed three Israeli teenagers hitchhiking in the West Bank were not terrorists. If Israel’s 1.7 million Arab citizens — including Druse, Bedouin, Christians and Muslims — often encounter discrimination and marginalization, their Knesset representatives deal daily with ridicule and recrimination. Last year, a bill was introduced — with Mr. Netanyahu’s support — aimed at ousting Ms. Zoabi for saying that the Palestinians who kidnapped and killed three Israeli teenagers hitchhiking in the West Bank were not terrorists.
The larger, united bloc will see some automatic benefits. Opposition party members get to serve as deputy speakers, who rotate time at the rostrum based on the size of the faction, so the list’s designee will be holding the gavel more often. Committee seats, too, are proportional. Ahmad Tibi, a Knesset member since 1999, said the Economic Committee, for example, “always had one Arab member, now there will be at least two.” The larger, united bloc will see some automatic benefits. Opposition party members get to serve as deputy speakers, who rotate time at the rostrum based on the size of the faction, so the list’s designee will be holding the gavel more often. Committee seats, too, are proportional. Ahmad Tibi, a Knesset member since 1999, said the Economic Committee, for example, “always had one Arab member; now there will be at least two.”
“The change won’t be dramatic, but it will be more representation,” Mr. Tibi said. “It’s going to be difficult — I want to be clear,” he added. “There’s a difference, unfortunately, working in the shade of a center or leftist government, or a right government. It’s more difficult and the challenge is bigger.” “The change won’t be dramatic, but it will be more representation,” Mr. Tibi said. “It’s going to be difficult — I want to be clear,” he added. “There’s a difference, unfortunately, working in the shade of a center or leftist government, or a right government. It’s more difficult, and the challenge is bigger.”
The lawmakers and other Arab leaders took pride that turnout in their communities rose Tuesday to 63 percent from 56 percent in 2013, though it still paled compared with the 72 percent over all. Mr. Darawshe said about 86 percent of Arab voters chose the joint list, compared with 77 percent who supported its four component parts last time.The lawmakers and other Arab leaders took pride that turnout in their communities rose Tuesday to 63 percent from 56 percent in 2013, though it still paled compared with the 72 percent over all. Mr. Darawshe said about 86 percent of Arab voters chose the joint list, compared with 77 percent who supported its four component parts last time.
Several analysts also said that the moderate tone of the alliance’s leader, Ayman Odeh, who advocated bridge-building with Jews during the campaign, presented a different path forward after years in which Mr. Tibi, Ms. Zoabi and others mostly made headlines with provocative comments about Israel’s treatment of Palestinians.Several analysts also said that the moderate tone of the alliance’s leader, Ayman Odeh, who advocated bridge-building with Jews during the campaign, presented a different path forward after years in which Mr. Tibi, Ms. Zoabi and others mostly made headlines with provocative comments about Israel’s treatment of Palestinians.
“They have to find ways to speak with the Jewish left to create an alternative government,” said Asad Ghanem, a political scientist at Haifa University. “It’s clear that the Jewish left can’t form a government without the Arabs. If the Jewish left will be ready to have a new, some kind of joint front with the Arabs, in the future,” he added, there could be “joint efforts in order to contribute to a change of who governs in Israel.”“They have to find ways to speak with the Jewish left to create an alternative government,” said Asad Ghanem, a political scientist at Haifa University. “It’s clear that the Jewish left can’t form a government without the Arabs. If the Jewish left will be ready to have a new, some kind of joint front with the Arabs, in the future,” he added, there could be “joint efforts in order to contribute to a change of who governs in Israel.”
For decades, left-leaning Zionist parties have shown no more interest in including Arabs in coalitions they headed than the Arabs did in being part of an Israeli government whose policies they prefer to protest. During the last campaign, Mr. Netanyahu’s prime challenger, Isaac Herzog, did indicate he would cooperate with the Arab list in other ways, and appoint an Arab minister or two if he were at the helm. For decades, left-leaning Zionist parties have shown no more interest in including Arabs in coalitions they headed than the Arabs did in being part of an Israeli government whose policies they prefer to protest.
During the last campaign, Mr. Netanyahu’s prime challenger, Isaac Herzog, did indicate he would cooperate with the Arab list in other ways and appoint an Arab minister or two if he were at the helm.
For now, though, there are those committees, where the Arab members plan to press to improve daily life in their cities and villages. They spoke Thursday of the need to retroactively legalize thousands of homes built without permits and to expand areas slated for development in Arab areas; of adding industrial zones in hopes of reducing unemployment and poverty; and of ridding their streets of illegal guns.For now, though, there are those committees, where the Arab members plan to press to improve daily life in their cities and villages. They spoke Thursday of the need to retroactively legalize thousands of homes built without permits and to expand areas slated for development in Arab areas; of adding industrial zones in hopes of reducing unemployment and poverty; and of ridding their streets of illegal guns.
“We need more security. There’s mafias in our community and the police should crack down on them,” said Masoud Ghanayem, a member of the alliance from the Islamist movement. “The violence, it isn’t a cause, it’s a result, because of the poor economic situation, the poor social and educational situation.”“We need more security. There’s mafias in our community and the police should crack down on them,” said Masoud Ghanayem, a member of the alliance from the Islamist movement. “The violence, it isn’t a cause, it’s a result, because of the poor economic situation, the poor social and educational situation.”
Aida Touma-Sliman, a feminist from the communist wing of the alliance who will be serving in the Knesset for the first time, echoed many of Mr. Ghanayem’s concerns, and said the diverse group would be able to stick together because “what we agree on is more than what we differ on.” Aida Touma-Sliman, a feminist from the alliance’s communist wing who will be serving in the Knesset for the first time, echoed many of Mr. Ghanayem’s concerns and said the diverse group would be able to stick together because “what we agree on is more than what we differ on.”
“Yes, it is an Islamic movement, but it is moderate and pragmatic,” she said of her unlikely comrades. “They signed on to a work program that called for the full equality of women, and liberating women from oppression.”“Yes, it is an Islamic movement, but it is moderate and pragmatic,” she said of her unlikely comrades. “They signed on to a work program that called for the full equality of women, and liberating women from oppression.”
Amal Jamal, a professor at Tel Aviv University who specializes in the politics of Israel’s Palestinian minority, said the unification “did not create a massive revolutionary change” but “a gradual change.” Now, if it does not deliver and “manage to change the policy of the Israeli government vis a vis the Palestinian community,” he added, “I think the frustration and mistrust in the entire system will grow rapidly.” Amal Jamal, a professor at Tel Aviv University who specializes in the politics of Israel’s Palestinian minority, said the unification “did not create a massive revolutionary change” but “a gradual change.” Now, if it does not deliver and “manage to change the policy of the Israeli government vis-à-vis the Palestinian community,” he added, “I think the frustration and mistrust in the entire system will grow rapidly.”
“People are saying, we played our best card, a united list, we gave our support to this united list, we gave it the full credit,” Professor Jamal explained. “If it doesn’t have an influence on the decision-making process, then why go vote?” “People are saying: ‘We played our best card, a united list. We gave our support to this united list; we gave it the full credit,’ ” Professor Jamal explained. “If it doesn’t have an influence on the decision-making process, then why go vote?”