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The Guardian view on education: a system in flux The Guardian view on education: a system in flux
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It can be hard to snatch the agenda from the hands of politicians so carefully schooled in the discipline of sticking to their grids of events and announcements. Schools, where all the main parties are agreed on the need to protect spending, have so far ranked only as a second order issue. No doubt just what David Cameron intended when he replaced the pugnacious education secretary Michael Gove with the more emollient Nicky Morgan. But education should be at the heart of the campaign, and not only because of Monday afternoon’s vote by the teachers’ union the NUT in favour of the principle of industrial action to protect school budgets. Funding will be a challenge. So will improving results. This is a system in a state of flux.It can be hard to snatch the agenda from the hands of politicians so carefully schooled in the discipline of sticking to their grids of events and announcements. Schools, where all the main parties are agreed on the need to protect spending, have so far ranked only as a second order issue. No doubt just what David Cameron intended when he replaced the pugnacious education secretary Michael Gove with the more emollient Nicky Morgan. But education should be at the heart of the campaign, and not only because of Monday afternoon’s vote by the teachers’ union the NUT in favour of the principle of industrial action to protect school budgets. Funding will be a challenge. So will improving results. This is a system in a state of flux.
All this reform has not yet translated into real improvements for studentsAll this reform has not yet translated into real improvements for students
Schools have been the subject of some of the coalition’s most radical reforms. Mr Gove set out to destroy what he dismissed as the green blob of the education establishment, and end the state monopoly on schooling. His particular enthusiasm, free schools, has probably drawn more fire than their actual number would merit. So far, more than 400 have been approved and, as of September, 251 opened. Turbo-charging the conversion to academy status of nearly 3,500 maintained schools, thus ending the former Labour government’s focus on using academies to bring better schools to deprived areas, has had far more immediate impact. But together the reforms signal the beginning of the end of local authorities’ involvement. What comes next may only be a matter of adaptation, but there are some big holes to repair.Schools have been the subject of some of the coalition’s most radical reforms. Mr Gove set out to destroy what he dismissed as the green blob of the education establishment, and end the state monopoly on schooling. His particular enthusiasm, free schools, has probably drawn more fire than their actual number would merit. So far, more than 400 have been approved and, as of September, 251 opened. Turbo-charging the conversion to academy status of nearly 3,500 maintained schools, thus ending the former Labour government’s focus on using academies to bring better schools to deprived areas, has had far more immediate impact. But together the reforms signal the beginning of the end of local authorities’ involvement. What comes next may only be a matter of adaptation, but there are some big holes to repair.
These quasi-independent schools report direct to Whitehall. That put extreme pressure on the Department for Education, just as it faced budget cuts of up to 50%. The infamous Trojan horse affair, which involved both maintained schools and academies, illustrated the flaws in both systems. It also raised some uncomfortable questions about the schools’ inspectorate, Ofsted, after it abruptly reversed its findings on one of the schools involved. Meanwhile the exam system was reformed, resits ended, and the Ebacc performance measure introduced.These quasi-independent schools report direct to Whitehall. That put extreme pressure on the Department for Education, just as it faced budget cuts of up to 50%. The infamous Trojan horse affair, which involved both maintained schools and academies, illustrated the flaws in both systems. It also raised some uncomfortable questions about the schools’ inspectorate, Ofsted, after it abruptly reversed its findings on one of the schools involved. Meanwhile the exam system was reformed, resits ended, and the Ebacc performance measure introduced.
The record on spending is more mixed. Some things are better: funding has become more standardised so that all schools are treated in a similar way. Because of the Liberal Democrats’ pupil premium, spending on deprived pupils has risen sharply, and spending on under-16s has kept pace with inflation. On the other hand, spending on the 16-19 age group has fallen by 13% and, even more dramatically, capital spending has been cut across the board by about a third. And even the pupil premium, which is calculated on entitlement to free school meals, has been complicated by a second Lib Dem flagship policy, free school meals for all children from reception to year 2.The record on spending is more mixed. Some things are better: funding has become more standardised so that all schools are treated in a similar way. Because of the Liberal Democrats’ pupil premium, spending on deprived pupils has risen sharply, and spending on under-16s has kept pace with inflation. On the other hand, spending on the 16-19 age group has fallen by 13% and, even more dramatically, capital spending has been cut across the board by about a third. And even the pupil premium, which is calculated on entitlement to free school meals, has been complicated by a second Lib Dem flagship policy, free school meals for all children from reception to year 2.
The poorest-performing, who are often the most deprived, are experiencing a small but perceptible decline in resultsThe poorest-performing, who are often the most deprived, are experiencing a small but perceptible decline in results
The Lib Dems and Labour are now both committed to protecting the whole 3-19 schools budget, but without making promises about reversing the cuts in 16-plus education. The Tories have pledged to protect spending per pupil. Last week, a report from the scrupulously independent Institute of Fiscal Studies argued that although the main parties’ spending plans appear to protect schools, they failed to take into account some significant extra costs. Over the next five years pupil numbers are projected to rise by 7%. There are increases in national insurance and pensions contributions in the pipeline. Together with pay rises, the IFS forecasts, this could add up to a cut of 12% on spending per pupil. The Tory offer may – the IFS calculates – turn out to be more generous.The Lib Dems and Labour are now both committed to protecting the whole 3-19 schools budget, but without making promises about reversing the cuts in 16-plus education. The Tories have pledged to protect spending per pupil. Last week, a report from the scrupulously independent Institute of Fiscal Studies argued that although the main parties’ spending plans appear to protect schools, they failed to take into account some significant extra costs. Over the next five years pupil numbers are projected to rise by 7%. There are increases in national insurance and pensions contributions in the pipeline. Together with pay rises, the IFS forecasts, this could add up to a cut of 12% on spending per pupil. The Tory offer may – the IFS calculates – turn out to be more generous.
As an assessment of the record by the LSE and Manchester University found, all this reform has not yet translated into real improvements for students. The brightest do a bit better. But the poorest-performing, who are often also the most deprived, are experiencing a small but perceptible decline in results: despite the progressive intention of the pupil premium, the attainment gap is marginally wider than it was five years ago. Although Labour’s arguments for new forms of local accountability, a ban on unqualified teachers, and reforms to Ofsted, to bring in more peer-reviewed light-touch regulation, meet some of the obvious failings of the past five years, it is not so clear how they will be effective in tackling this most intractible of issues – the persistent inequity in education outcomes. Related: We are happy to defend our record | Letter from Ofsted’s chief operating officer Matthew Coffey
As an assessment of the record by the LSE and Manchester University found, all this reform has not yet translated into real improvements for students. The brightest do a bit better. But the poorest-performing, who are often also the most deprived, are experiencing a small but perceptible decline in results: despite the progressive intention of the pupil premium, the attainment gap is marginally wider than it was five years ago. Although Labour’s arguments for new forms of local accountability, a ban on unqualified teachers, and reforms to Ofsted, to bring in more peer-reviewed light-touch regulation, meet some of the obvious failings of the past five years, it is not so clear how they will be effective in tackling this most intractible of issues – the persistent inequity in education outcomes.