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With Beijing’s Voting Plan Dead, Hong Kong Looks for Way Forward With Beijing’s Voting Plan Dead, Hong Kong Looks for Way Forward
(35 minutes later)
HONG KONG — With the rejection by pro-democracy legislators here of a Beijing-backed plan let the public elect Hong Kong’s top officials, the territory’s political evolution is in limbo, with people on both sides of the issue caught in the question of what happens next.HONG KONG — With the rejection by pro-democracy legislators here of a Beijing-backed plan let the public elect Hong Kong’s top officials, the territory’s political evolution is in limbo, with people on both sides of the issue caught in the question of what happens next.
The legislators were not moved by a group of European diplomats who several weeks ago6/3 urged them to allow the elections, arguing that even though they would be restricted to candidates approved by Beijing, some democracy was better than none, according to people who were at the meeting. The legislators were unmoved by a group of European diplomats who several weeks ago urged them to allow the elections, arguing that even though they would be restricted to candidates approved by Beijing, some democracy was better than none, according to people who were at the meeting.
But the lawmakers stuck to their guns, buoyed by the street protests that erupted last year after Beijing announced its election guidelines. Their rejection of the proposal effectively killed the plan on June 18, leaving Hong Kong with the longtime status quo under which its leader is appointed by a Beijing-friendly committee, with the public having no vote. But the lawmakers stuck to their guns, buoyed by the street protests that erupted last year after Beijing announced its election guidelines. They effectively killed the plan on June 18, leaving Hong Kong with the longtime status quo under which its leader is appointed by a Beijing-friendly committee, with the public having no vote.
Since that rejection, a pro-democracy lawmaker has resigned and announced a plan to start a centrist party. Beijing’s loyalists in the Hong Kong legislature, meanwhile, have been trying to explain a parliamentary blunder that left the election plan with just eight votes in support. Since then, a pro-democratic lawmaker resigned and announced a plan to start a centrist party. Beijing’s loyalists in the Hong Kong legislature, meanwhile, have been trying to explain a parliamentary blunder that left the election plan with just eight votes in support.
Under the mini-constitution that governs Hong Kong, negotiated with Britain before the former colony was returned to Chinese sovereignty, Beijing agreed to eventually allow voters to choose their top official, known as the chief executive. But any such system must get the imprimatur of the central government, and there is no indication that Beijing is in a hurry to make it a reality after the defeat of its plan, which had been intended to go into effect in 2017, when the next chief executive will be chosen. Under the mini-constitution that governs Hong Kong, negotiated with Britain before the former colony was returned to Chinese sovereignty, Beijing had agreed to eventually allow voters to choose their top official, known as the chief executive. But any such system must get the imprimatur of the central government, and there is no indication that the mainland is in a hurry to make it a reality after the defeat of its plan, which had been intended to go into effect in 2017, when the next chief executive will be chosen.
Voters will most likely have to wait until at least 2022 for the chance to expand the franchise, and even then, there is no sign Beijing will soften its stance.Voters will most likely have to wait until at least 2022 for the chance to expand the franchise, and even then, there is no sign Beijing will soften its stance.
“It is very unlikely that the Hong Kong government or the central government will relaunch the political reform again within this government term,” said Holden Chow, a vice chairman of the biggest pro-Beijing party, the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong.“It is very unlikely that the Hong Kong government or the central government will relaunch the political reform again within this government term,” said Holden Chow, a vice chairman of the biggest pro-Beijing party, the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong.
Like the European diplomats, Mr. Chow said the bloc of lawmakers who voted against the measure — collectively called the pan-democrats — lost their best chance to improve the system. Even candidates screened by Beijing would have had to woo the pan-democrats’ legions of supporters to win election as chief executive, introducing a new dynamic in Hong Kong politics, the argument goes. Moreover, they said, the system could have been improved for subsequent elections.Like the European diplomats, Mr. Chow said the bloc of lawmakers who voted against the measure — collectively called the pan-democrats — lost their best chance to improve the system. Even candidates screened by Beijing would have had to woo the pan-democrats’ legions of supporters to win election as chief executive, introducing a new dynamic in Hong Kong politics, the argument goes. Moreover, they said, the system could have been improved for subsequent elections.
For some Hong Kong politicians, one way forward is to turn to other issues. Lawmakers from across the political spectrum, as well as Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying, have said that they now want to focus on so-called livelihood issues, like free kindergarten and better care for the elderly, to show the city’s 7.2 million people that their government can still function.
The pan-democrats insist that the fight for true democracy must go on. But they have yet to articulate a clear strategy as they face the seemingly unmovable resolve of the Chinese Communist Party, which in mainland China is waging a campaign against Western notions of democracy and civil liberties.The pan-democrats insist that the fight for true democracy must go on. But they have yet to articulate a clear strategy as they face the seemingly unmovable resolve of the Chinese Communist Party, which in mainland China is waging a campaign against Western notions of democracy and civil liberties.
For now, the pan-democrats’ approach seems to be grim resolve, hoping for a future government in Beijing that is more sympathetic to their desire for elections with a broader range of candidates.For now, the pan-democrats’ approach seems to be grim resolve, hoping for a future government in Beijing that is more sympathetic to their desire for elections with a broader range of candidates.
“I speak for lots of Democrats,” said Martin Lee, the founder of Hong Kong’s Democratic Party, who helped put together Hong Kong’s mini-constitution, called the Basic Law. “The reason why we wanted to vote it down is not because we wanted the status quo. No, that was never our intention.”“I speak for lots of Democrats,” said Martin Lee, the founder of Hong Kong’s Democratic Party, who helped put together Hong Kong’s mini-constitution, called the Basic Law. “The reason why we wanted to vote it down is not because we wanted the status quo. No, that was never our intention.”
“The intention was to vote it down to force Beijing to have a better deal,” he added.“The intention was to vote it down to force Beijing to have a better deal,” he added.
Mr. Lee said Beijing was paying a price for setting such strict election guidelines for Hong Kong. The “one country, two systems” formula under which Hong Kong was returned to China in 1997, while retaining its own laws and liberties until 2047, is also the system that Beijing wants to use to eventually lure Taiwan, ruled separately since 1949, back under its control. Mr. Lee said Beijing was paying a price for setting such strict election guidelines for Hong Kong. The “one country, two systems” formula under which Hong Kong was returned to China in 1997, while retaining its own laws and liberties until 2047, is also the system that Beijing wants to use to eventually lure Taiwan, ruled separately since 1949, back under its control. But Beijing’s heavy-handed tactics, which set off the Hong Kong protests last year, have made reunification with Taiwan even more remote, Mr. Lee said.
Beijing’s heavy-handed tactics, which set off the Hong Kong street protests last year, have made the possibility of reunification with Taiwan even more remote, Mr. Lee said. To some, the failure to pass an election law is a result of the immovability not only of Beijing but also of the pan-democrats. Ronny Tong, a pan-democratic lawmaker who voted against the election proposal, announced his resignation from the Legislative Council after the vote. He said he was as dismayed by his allies’ inflexibility as he was with Beijing’s mistrust of the pan-democrats. Healso said he wanted to change the dynamic, eventually building a new centrist political party that pushes for democratization but strives to maintain cordial ties with China’s leaders.
To some, the failure to pass an election law is a result of the immovability not only of Beijing but also of the pan-democrats. Ronny Tong, a pan-democratic lawmaker who voted against the election proposal, announced his resignation from the Legislative Council after the vote. He said he was as dismayed by his allies’ inflexibility as he was with Beijing’s mistrust of the pan-democrats; he said he wanted to change the dynamic, eventually building a new centrist political party that pushes for democratization but strives to maintain cordial ties with China’s leaders. “The impression I get is that they regarded the pan-democrats as being far too intransigent, not willing to give way in any form,” Mr. Tong said by telephone, referring to officials in Beijing with whom he met this year. “The pan-democrats unfortunately also see Beijing in the same light.”
“The impression I get is that they regarded the pan-democrats as being far too intransigent, not willing to give way in any form,” Mr. Tong said by telephone, referring to officials in Beijing with whom he met this year. “The pan-democrats unfortunately also see Beijing in the same light. They see Beijing as unwilling to give any concession at all.” Mr. Tong said that patching up ties with Beijing and achieving real change in Hong Kong’s elections was not a pie-in-the-sky idea.
One confidence-building measure, Mr. Tong said, could be a pledge from Beijing to agree to abolish the unusual power structure in Hong Kong, left over from British rule, under which many electors and lawmakers represent industries or social groups rather than voting districts. The idea of a new centrist party opens the possibility — however remote — that Mr. Tong could field enough successful candidates for next year’s Legislative Council elections to become a power broker.
Mr. Tong said that patching up ties with Beijing and achieving real change in Hong Kong’s elections was not a pie-in-the-sky idea. Under the previous chief executive, Donald Tsang, Hong Kong was able to at least wrest from Beijing the promise that the public could choose their leaders by 2017. “You must produce some representatives that they deem as friends,” said Michael Tien, a pro-Beijing lawmaker, referring to the central government. Mr. Tong, he said, “fits into that category.”
The idea of a new centrist party opens the possibility — however remote — that Mr. Tong could field enough successful candidates for next year’s Legislative Council elections to become a power broker, giving the government a chance to pass an election law if it can make enough changes to win his party’s support.
“You must produce some representatives that they deem as friends,” said Michael Tien, a pro-Beijing lawmaker, referring to the central government. “Obviously someone like Ronny Tong who just resigned a day or two ago fits into that category.”