This article is from the source 'nytimes' and was first published or seen on . It last changed over 40 days ago and won't be checked again for changes.

You can find the current article at its original source at http://www.nytimes.com/2015/07/11/world/europe/belgian-liberal-basks-in-viral-fame-for-scolding-greek-prime-minister.html

The article has changed 2 times. There is an RSS feed of changes available.

Version 0 Version 1
Belgian Liberal Basks in Viral Fame for Scolding Greek Prime Minister Belgian Liberal Basks in Viral Fame for Scolding Greek Prime Minister
(about 20 hours later)
While the Greek debt crisis remains unresolved, and the country’s prime minister, Alexis Tsipras, finds himself derided by even members of his own party, at least one European politician clearly seems to be enjoying himself.While the Greek debt crisis remains unresolved, and the country’s prime minister, Alexis Tsipras, finds himself derided by even members of his own party, at least one European politician clearly seems to be enjoying himself.
Guy Verhofstadt, a former prime minister of Belgium who now leads the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe, a free-market group in the European Parliament, achieved a measure of viral fame this week, as video of him scolding Mr. Tsipras during a discussion of the crisis on Wednesday was viewed over seven million times on Facebook and YouTube.Guy Verhofstadt, a former prime minister of Belgium who now leads the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe, a free-market group in the European Parliament, achieved a measure of viral fame this week, as video of him scolding Mr. Tsipras during a discussion of the crisis on Wednesday was viewed over seven million times on Facebook and YouTube.
As the political press in Brussels took notice, Mr. Verhofstadt seemed to suggest that his angry, sarcastic lecture on the floor of the European Parliament had played some role in Greece’s decision to submit a proposal very like the one voters roundly rejected at the start of the week.As the political press in Brussels took notice, Mr. Verhofstadt seemed to suggest that his angry, sarcastic lecture on the floor of the European Parliament had played some role in Greece’s decision to submit a proposal very like the one voters roundly rejected at the start of the week.
Although Mr. Tsipras was even-keeled in his response, and the exchange was not quite as testy as those seen in, say, the British House of Commons most weeks, the intensity of the Belgian’s disgust for his Greek colleague revealed a partisan aspect to the debate over fiscal policy that is often overlooked.Although Mr. Tsipras was even-keeled in his response, and the exchange was not quite as testy as those seen in, say, the British House of Commons most weeks, the intensity of the Belgian’s disgust for his Greek colleague revealed a partisan aspect to the debate over fiscal policy that is often overlooked.
While it might be no surprise that a supporter of free-market ideologies like Mr. Verhofstadt had such a clash with Mr. Tsipras, who leads a “coalition of the radical left,” the Greek leader has found scant support from any of Europe’s larger center-left parties. While it might be no surprise that a supporter of free-market ideologies like Mr. Verhofstadt — who endorsed a centrist party before the last election in Greece — had such a clash with Mr. Tsipras, who leads a “coalition of the radical left,” the Greek leader has found scant support from any of Europe’s larger center-left parties.
As the Slovene philosopher Slavoj Zizek argued in The New Statesman this week, while Mr. Tsipras and his Syriza Party are often described in ideological terms as far left, the political orientation of the parties representing Greece’s creditors matters, too, but is less frequently mentioned.As the Slovene philosopher Slavoj Zizek argued in The New Statesman this week, while Mr. Tsipras and his Syriza Party are often described in ideological terms as far left, the political orientation of the parties representing Greece’s creditors matters, too, but is less frequently mentioned.
Mr. Zizek suggested that this could be seen most clearly in the tension between Greek negotiators and Jeroen Dijsselbloem, the Dutch finance minister, who speaks in the language of an impartial expert but also represents one of Greece’s major creditors:Mr. Zizek suggested that this could be seen most clearly in the tension between Greek negotiators and Jeroen Dijsselbloem, the Dutch finance minister, who speaks in the language of an impartial expert but also represents one of Greece’s major creditors:
Mr. Dijsselbloem has become such a hate figure in Greece that his shocked face was featured on the front page of a Greek newspaper as if reacting to the results of the referendum rejecting the deal he reportedly described as “a take it or leave it offer.”Mr. Dijsselbloem has become such a hate figure in Greece that his shocked face was featured on the front page of a Greek newspaper as if reacting to the results of the referendum rejecting the deal he reportedly described as “a take it or leave it offer.”
In purely personal terms, it might be unsurprising that the Dutch finance minister showed so little sympathy for Greece at the 11th hour, given that his Greek counterpart, Yanis Varoufakis, publicly undermined his authority after their first meeting five months ago. (Video of that awkward encounter inspired meme after meme on YouTube.)In purely personal terms, it might be unsurprising that the Dutch finance minister showed so little sympathy for Greece at the 11th hour, given that his Greek counterpart, Yanis Varoufakis, publicly undermined his authority after their first meeting five months ago. (Video of that awkward encounter inspired meme after meme on YouTube.)
But Pepijn Brandon, a Dutch historian at the University of Pittsburgh, suggested in February on the website Jacobin that social democrats who have embraced centrist fiscal policies, like Mr. Dijsselbloem, were deeply threatened by Mr. Tsipras and his party.But Pepijn Brandon, a Dutch historian at the University of Pittsburgh, suggested in February on the website Jacobin that social democrats who have embraced centrist fiscal policies, like Mr. Dijsselbloem, were deeply threatened by Mr. Tsipras and his party.
“The promise of the Syriza government represents everything that postwar social democracy no longer is, and cannot return to,” Mr. Brandon wrote. “Underlying Dijsselbloem’s career is the perspective that at best, contemporary progressive politics can only be a variant of conservative politics with slightly more scruples.”“The promise of the Syriza government represents everything that postwar social democracy no longer is, and cannot return to,” Mr. Brandon wrote. “Underlying Dijsselbloem’s career is the perspective that at best, contemporary progressive politics can only be a variant of conservative politics with slightly more scruples.”
For that reason, the historian suggested, Mr. Dijsselbloem had an interest in curbing the ambitions of the new Greek government.For that reason, the historian suggested, Mr. Dijsselbloem had an interest in curbing the ambitions of the new Greek government.
“It is a precondition for restoring the stability of the EU that he, his party, and economic elites so desire,” Mr. Brandon argued. “But it is as necessary for the continuation of the dreamless, managerial, suit-and-tie progressivism from which he has never strayed.”“It is a precondition for restoring the stability of the EU that he, his party, and economic elites so desire,” Mr. Brandon argued. “But it is as necessary for the continuation of the dreamless, managerial, suit-and-tie progressivism from which he has never strayed.”