This article is from the source 'guardian' and was first published or seen on . It last changed over 40 days ago and won't be checked again for changes.

You can find the current article at its original source at http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2015/jul/28/dont-be-fooled-reclaim-australia-wont-fade-away-if-starved-of-publicity

The article has changed 2 times. There is an RSS feed of changes available.

Version 0 Version 1
Don't be fooled. Reclaim Australia won't fade away if starved of publicity Don't be fooled. Reclaim Australia won't fade away if starved of publicity
(about 1 hour later)
Reclaim Australia’s ongoing series of rallies – the last just over a week ago – have been widely received as the work of fringe-dwelling “extremists”. This in turn has led some to argue that direct, public opposition to their rallies is counterproductive, and left to their own devices they will wither away.Reclaim Australia’s ongoing series of rallies – the last just over a week ago – have been widely received as the work of fringe-dwelling “extremists”. This in turn has led some to argue that direct, public opposition to their rallies is counterproductive, and left to their own devices they will wither away.
Related: Anne Aly: Reclaim Australia is the product of rising rightwing extremismRelated: Anne Aly: Reclaim Australia is the product of rising rightwing extremism
This analysis has some intuitive appeal. A lot of the reporting has rightly pointed to the movement’s apparent disorganisation. There have been succession of schisms which have left Reclaim Australia without anyone clearly in charge, and there were relatively small numbers at the most recent rallies which, at least in larger cities, were outnumbered by counter-protesters.This analysis has some intuitive appeal. A lot of the reporting has rightly pointed to the movement’s apparent disorganisation. There have been succession of schisms which have left Reclaim Australia without anyone clearly in charge, and there were relatively small numbers at the most recent rallies which, at least in larger cities, were outnumbered by counter-protesters.
There’s also the fact that some of Reclaim Australia’sRA most prominent participants are racist buffoons of long standing. All this has led people who otherwise share little political common ground to argue that Reclaim Australia might best be dismissed or ignored. There’s also the fact that some of Reclaim Australia’s most prominent participants are racist buffoons of long standing. All this has led people who otherwise share little political common ground to argue that Reclaim Australia might best be dismissed or ignored.
In April, in the middle of yet another column complaining about Q&A, Gerard Henderson put Reclaim Australia in the same basket as the rest of what he calls “the Lunar right”, and argued:In April, in the middle of yet another column complaining about Q&A, Gerard Henderson put Reclaim Australia in the same basket as the rest of what he calls “the Lunar right”, and argued:
[T]here is not — and never has been — a significant neo-Nazi or fascist movement in Australia. Without the leftist counter-demonstration on Easter Saturday, it is unlikely that the Reclaim Australia protesters would have obtained significant attention.[T]here is not — and never has been — a significant neo-Nazi or fascist movement in Australia. Without the leftist counter-demonstration on Easter Saturday, it is unlikely that the Reclaim Australia protesters would have obtained significant attention.
Then, in the Saturday Paper, Martin McKenzie-Murray asked after attending the Reclaim rally in Melbourne:Then, in the Saturday Paper, Martin McKenzie-Murray asked after attending the Reclaim rally in Melbourne:
So why not ignore them and let their tiny numbers speak for themselves? Let them keep shrinking until they no longer justify coverage – after all, it wasn’t so much the Reclaim rallies themselves that were newsworthy, but the drama of conflict.So why not ignore them and let their tiny numbers speak for themselves? Let them keep shrinking until they no longer justify coverage – after all, it wasn’t so much the Reclaim rallies themselves that were newsworthy, but the drama of conflict.
The problem with this as a strategy is that it is based on a commonsense idea about the relationship between “mainstream” and “fringe” politics that is too rarely questioned, and which doesn’t necessarily hold up.The problem with this as a strategy is that it is based on a commonsense idea about the relationship between “mainstream” and “fringe” politics that is too rarely questioned, and which doesn’t necessarily hold up.
Moderate conservatives and the centre-left view the extreme right as such an aberration from what they take to be Australia’s core political values that they think only publicity sustains them.Moderate conservatives and the centre-left view the extreme right as such an aberration from what they take to be Australia’s core political values that they think only publicity sustains them.
But as historians of the extreme right like Chip Berlet and Matthew Lyons point out, the conceptual opposition between a vital democratic centre at odds with a paranoid lunatic fringe doesn’t adequately describe either rightwing movements, or mainstream politics in action.But as historians of the extreme right like Chip Berlet and Matthew Lyons point out, the conceptual opposition between a vital democratic centre at odds with a paranoid lunatic fringe doesn’t adequately describe either rightwing movements, or mainstream politics in action.
On the one hand, far right activists turn out to be quite rational actors, engaged in the same kinds of promotional and political strategising as other interest groups in pluralist polities.On the one hand, far right activists turn out to be quite rational actors, engaged in the same kinds of promotional and political strategising as other interest groups in pluralist polities.
They don’t demonstrate in public simply from an infantile need for attention, but for the same reason other groups do: to claim ownership over public space, and gain support for their position.They don’t demonstrate in public simply from an infantile need for attention, but for the same reason other groups do: to claim ownership over public space, and gain support for their position.
In the case of the hard right, there’s an additional imperative to intimidate the people they’re scapegoating. Imagining that their beliefs make them crazy can obscure the fact that the far right act strategically.In the case of the hard right, there’s an additional imperative to intimidate the people they’re scapegoating. Imagining that their beliefs make them crazy can obscure the fact that the far right act strategically.
On the other hand, as Berlet and Lyons write, “rightwing bigotry and scapegoating are firmly rooted in the mainstream social and political order”.On the other hand, as Berlet and Lyons write, “rightwing bigotry and scapegoating are firmly rooted in the mainstream social and political order”.
When it came to Zaky Mallah, a broad range of rightwing opinion spoke with one voice.When it came to Zaky Mallah, a broad range of rightwing opinion spoke with one voice.
It would be difficult to deny this in a country that devoted several weeks of public debate to some mildly controversial remarks made by a Muslim on Q&A. When it came to Zaky Mallah, a broad range of rightwing opinion – from the United Patriots Front to the Australian – spoke with one voice.It would be difficult to deny this in a country that devoted several weeks of public debate to some mildly controversial remarks made by a Muslim on Q&A. When it came to Zaky Mallah, a broad range of rightwing opinion – from the United Patriots Front to the Australian – spoke with one voice.
Most importantly, the idea of a fringe distant from the mainstream obscures the complex ideological and organisational links between movements like Reclaim and mainstream politics.Most importantly, the idea of a fringe distant from the mainstream obscures the complex ideological and organisational links between movements like Reclaim and mainstream politics.
In this case, those ideological links are manifest in the existence of an actual Senate Inquiry into Halal certification, in the presence of a government backbencher at a Reclaim Australia rally, and in the refusal of the government to issue even mild criticisms of the Reclaim movement.In this case, those ideological links are manifest in the existence of an actual Senate Inquiry into Halal certification, in the presence of a government backbencher at a Reclaim Australia rally, and in the refusal of the government to issue even mild criticisms of the Reclaim movement.
These examples show the problem with the centrist/extremist model. It allows us to pretend that the fascist currents in Australian political life are safely confined to some easily-recognised fringe actors. In fact, they flow through major political parties, and into the parliament.These examples show the problem with the centrist/extremist model. It allows us to pretend that the fascist currents in Australian political life are safely confined to some easily-recognised fringe actors. In fact, they flow through major political parties, and into the parliament.
Groups like Reclaim Australia are useful to powerful rightwing actors because their demands make slightly milder proposals sound reasonable, and over time this allows the whole political debate to be moved right.Groups like Reclaim Australia are useful to powerful rightwing actors because their demands make slightly milder proposals sound reasonable, and over time this allows the whole political debate to be moved right.
If you want to see the way this works in practice, note that 20 years after One Nation’s heyday, on the weekend we saw a brutal, expensive, punitive and irrational Hansonist refugee policy effectively institutionalised as bipartisan political commonsense.If you want to see the way this works in practice, note that 20 years after One Nation’s heyday, on the weekend we saw a brutal, expensive, punitive and irrational Hansonist refugee policy effectively institutionalised as bipartisan political commonsense.
Initially, Howard used Hanson to make himself sound moderate. Later, he and his successors strategically adapted elements of her xenophobic line on immigration as the ALP vacillated in its position on refugees. This was especially crucial in 2001, as Labor floundered in the face of a manufactured refugee crisis.Initially, Howard used Hanson to make himself sound moderate. Later, he and his successors strategically adapted elements of her xenophobic line on immigration as the ALP vacillated in its position on refugees. This was especially crucial in 2001, as Labor floundered in the face of a manufactured refugee crisis.
Tony Abbott ruthlessly exploited the issue and Labor’s confusion in his successful run at the prime ministership. Finally, Labor has been forced to endorse most of what Abbott’s government has been saying in the belief that they need to simply neutralise and issue they can’t win on. Tony Abbott ruthlessly exploited the issue and Labor’s confusion in his successful run at the prime ministership. Finally, Labor has been forced to endorse most of what Abbott’s government has been saying in the belief that they need to simply neutralise an issue they can’t win on.
The numbers in such movements may be far short of electoral majorities, and there may never be a “fascist takeover” in any simple sense. The real danger they pose lies in the nature of their interactions with the “mainstream” politics of government and the state. Anyone in Labor who thinks extremists can simply be ignored has not been paying attention to what has happened to their own party.The numbers in such movements may be far short of electoral majorities, and there may never be a “fascist takeover” in any simple sense. The real danger they pose lies in the nature of their interactions with the “mainstream” politics of government and the state. Anyone in Labor who thinks extremists can simply be ignored has not been paying attention to what has happened to their own party.
Related: Hell will freeze over before I pull out of Reclaim Australia's rally | George ChristensenRelated: Hell will freeze over before I pull out of Reclaim Australia's rally | George Christensen
“[Reclaim Australia] literally danced to the jeers, grinning like children as they swung their arms to the screams of their opponents,” McKenzie-Murray wrote.“[Reclaim Australia] literally danced to the jeers, grinning like children as they swung their arms to the screams of their opponents,” McKenzie-Murray wrote.
“[W]here the left say that silence emboldens the racists, as I watched I wondered if the opposite wasn’t true – if this theatre of barely suppressed violence was animating them.”“[W]here the left say that silence emboldens the racists, as I watched I wondered if the opposite wasn’t true – if this theatre of barely suppressed violence was animating them.”
The objection to counter-protests often seems to be born more of a horror of incivility than of a clear appraisal of the longer term trends in a polity where nothing, not even the centre ground, is static.The objection to counter-protests often seems to be born more of a horror of incivility than of a clear appraisal of the longer term trends in a polity where nothing, not even the centre ground, is static.
Drawing attention to racist movements and the interchange between them and powerful actors in the mainstream is one of the reasons counterprotests are worth engaging in. As online proselytising bears more fruit for the right, and as economic downturn beckons for Australia, the real danger is complacency.Drawing attention to racist movements and the interchange between them and powerful actors in the mainstream is one of the reasons counterprotests are worth engaging in. As online proselytising bears more fruit for the right, and as economic downturn beckons for Australia, the real danger is complacency.