Teetering Coalition will be seen as strong on marriage and climate, with time
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Version 0 of 1. This week saw a teetering Coalition government dig in on gay marriage and climate. The government’s positions on both issues will emerge as strong ones, with time. Related: My fight for marriage equality is personal. I want to make my first boyfriend proud | Kristina Keneally Labor is a pretty simple read. They are now shackled to 50% renewable energy targets regardless of economic cost and are effectively a gay marriage voting bloc, regardless of the public’s divided sentiments. The Coalition position will come to be seen as the high ground. Same-sex marriage does divide, but the oft-quoted polls showing overwhelming support are usually telephone-based. I and other Coalition MPs have been polling our electorates, and the reality is the majority can’t be bothered responding. Barely a quarter of the community have a strong view on marriage and that view is evenly divided. In most Coalition seats, the majority of respondents are satisfied with the status quo and, typically, are not as active on social media. Don’t forget that the half of Australia who live in Labor-held seats have MPs who, as a rule, ignore those favouring traditional marriage. That is why I am proud to be part of a party where views passionately differ, just as they do in the community. In a 1958 debate on marriage, Robert Menzies himself that declared that the issue “closely touches the individual conscience of members”, adding that “though it will be a government measure, it shall not be treated as a party measure”. In the present day Coalition party room, nearly a third of backbenchers support a free vote on marriage in the Menzies tradition. Intriguingly, a number of them want that free vote so they can vote no – exercising their conscience rather than acting out of party compulsion. The Coalition ministry is more evenly divided, with Julie Bishop’s proposal for a plebiscite or referendum in the next parliamentary term ticking all the boxes. Australians voted for a Coalition government with a traditional marriage definition in 2013 and it should not change mid-term. Australians are plainly tired of parties saying one thing before an election then turning on a dime once elected. It’s precisely that dynamic that makes our nation’s struggle with climate policy so analogous and this week’s politics so exceptional. Prior to 2007, there wasn’t a political divide on the topic, with John Howard on board. Kevin Rudd made it a moral issue and tried to conscript Australia to a $500-per-person carbon reduction scheme while the rest of the world ignored him. Related: Coalition’s emissions modelling shows little difference in economic impact of large or small cuts Now eight years on from Rudd’s election, Greg Hunt, the Environment Minister, has elegantly crafted the highest per capita emission cut targets in the developed world, which barely touch our GDP. By 2030, we will lose just 0.25% of economic activity. As Hunt said on Monday, Labor’s targets have 10 times the economic hit, at 2.6% of GDP each year from 2030. Labor has politicised climate like no other political party worldwide. Among the debris are two taxes, cash-for-clunkers, pink batts, the green loan disaster, outrageous solar rebates and soaring power prices. Playing the long game on climate will reap dividends for the Coalition, as we carefully balance jobs and the environment. At the next election, the two major parties offer opposing views on same-sex marriage. But there is a twist. Even if they form government, Labor’s marriage equality push will likely continue to be tied up in the Senate. That is why the Coalition’s proposal to give every Australian a say well and truly outflanks Labor, who simply won’t. It is a say that, ultimately, Australians will welcome. |