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Hong Kong residents turn up for local elections in record numbers Hong Kong voters deliver landslide victory for pro-democracy campaigners
(about 3 hours later)
Poll for relatively toothless district councils has become proxy referendum for the city’s future after months of protests Poll for relatively toothless district councils becomes proxy referendum for the city’s future after months of protests
Hong Kong’s residents turned out in record numbers for local elections that have taken on national significance, becoming a proxy referendum on the future of the semi-autonomous city after nearly six consecutive months of protests. Hong Kong’s voters turned out in record numbers to deliver a landslide for pro-democracy campaigners and a powerful rebuke to the government, in local elections that were widely seen as a proxy vote on the city’s protest movement.
On Sunday, voters were officially choosing new members for their district councils. But for most who voted, the poll was a chance to pass a city-wide verdict on the crisis that has engulfed the international financial hub since June, pitting pro-Beijing authorities against pro-democracy demonstrators. Both in absolute numbers, and in turnout rates, it was easily the biggest exercise in democratic participation that Hong Kong has ever seen, with many voters waiting more than an hour to cast their ballot.
Both in absolute numbers, and in turnout rates, it was easily the biggest exercise in democratic participation that Hong Kong has ever seen, with many voters waiting over an hour to cast their ballot. By the time polls closed at 10.30pm, nearly 3 million people had voted, representing more than 71% of the electorate and nearly half of Hong Kong’s entire population. Many had never voted before.
By the time polls closed at 10.30pm, nearly 3 million people had voted, representing more than 71% of the electorate and nearly half Hong Kong’s entire population. Many had never cast a ballot before. As the first results trickled in from vote counts across the city, it was clear that Sunday marked a sea-change in Hong Kong politics.
“It’s my first time voting. I registered myself because of the [protest] movement,” said Vivian Lee, an insurance worker in her 30s. “I’m happy so many people have come out to vote, because we want our voices heard. It’s the first time I’ve seen people in Hong Kong so politically involved.” A string of prominent pro-Beijing politicians were evicted from what had been safe seats, among them Junius Ho, who has been widely reviled for shaking hands with a gang of thugs who attacked protestors and commuters in July.
Despite the long queues, a spirit of exhilaration gripped much of the city, perhaps because people had a chance to give private, peaceful verdicts on a showdown that has upended normal life. Pro-democracy counsellors took control of at least eleven district councils. Wan chai, on Hong Kong island, will now be led by Clarisse Yeung, an artist-turned-politician who announced the shift of power with tears in her eyes.
The voting mostly ran smoothly, although an election monitoring group said it had received a few dozen complaints, including concerns about unidentified people taking videos outside polling stations. Full results are expected in the early hours of Tuesday morning, although the high turnout may mean vote counting takes longer than in the past. She said: “I would not use the word happy, but we have made progress towards a situation where we can fight back against the government. It’s important because we all know that we have been sacrificing too much in the past few months.
It was the first weekend without tear-gas on the streets since mid-August, though after voting ended, riot police did end an almost entirely peaceful day by using pepper spray to resolve a dispute between supporters of rival candidates. “Hong Kong people are no longer naive. We have to prepare ourselves, we have to have faith in ourselves to bring change.”
District elections did not tend to attract so much interest in Hong Kong – even less beyond the city. District councils are relatively toothless bodies, they have few powers, limited budgets and a reputation for self-serving indolence; disciplined and well-funded pro-Beijing candidates pack most of them. She will be joined on the council by Cathy Yau, a former police officer who resigned from the force to fight on a pro-democracy platform.
But months of pro-democracy protests, from a 2 million-strong peaceful march to increasingly violent street demonstrations, have changed the city’s political landscape. For supporters of the movement voting is both opportunity and obligation. The pro-democratic landslide was a defiant rebuke to the government’s frequent argument that its hardline policies had the support of a “silent majority”, cowed by protestor violence. In a peaceful vote, the city’s people had turned against them. Many had never cast a ballot before.
“It’s my first time voting. I registered myself because of the [protest] movement,” said Vivian Lee, an insurance worker in her 30s. “I’m happy so many people have come out to vote, because we want our voices heard.”
Despite long queues outside polling stations a spirit of exhilaration gripped much of the city, perhaps because people had a chance to give private, peaceful verdicts on a showdown that has upended normal life.
It was the first weekend without teargas on the streets since mid-August, though after voting ended, riot police did end an almost entirely peaceful day by using pepper spray to resolve a dispute between supporters of rival candidates.
District elections did not tend to attract so much interest in Hong Kong – even less beyond the city.
The councils are relatively toothless bodies, they have few powers, limited budgets and had a reputation for self-serving indolence; disciplined and well-funded pro-Beijing candidates packed most of them for years.
But months of pro-democracy protests, from a 2 million-strong peaceful march to increasingly violent street demonstrations, have transformed the city’s political landscape. For supporters of the movement voting was an opportunity and an obligation.
The district councils are the only Hong Kong authority selected by full universal suffrage. The city’s leader is chosen by an electoral college and only some seats in the city’s legislature are selected in open ballots.The district councils are the only Hong Kong authority selected by full universal suffrage. The city’s leader is chosen by an electoral college and only some seats in the city’s legislature are selected in open ballots.
“If you are willing to march or protest in the streets, which requires blood and sweat and tears, its much easier to walk downstairs and vote,” said one man who has taken part in the street protests, and asked not to be named because of fear of official retaliation. “Even if the system is broken, we can try to use it against the government.”“If you are willing to march or protest in the streets, which requires blood and sweat and tears, its much easier to walk downstairs and vote,” said one man who has taken part in the street protests, and asked not to be named because of fear of official retaliation. “Even if the system is broken, we can try to use it against the government.”
A last-minute surge in registration added to the electoral rolls nearly 400,000 voters – most of them young – and a wave of novice pro-democracy candidates meant that for the first time in Hong Kong’s history every seat was contested. A last-minute surge in registration added to the electoral rolls nearly 400,000 voters – most of them young – and a wave of novice pro-democracy candidates meant that for the first time in Hong Kong’s history every seat was contested.
Many pro-Beijing candidates were running on promises to “stop the violence” of the protests which have seen hundreds injured, some critically. Battles between police and demonstrators have also repeatedly shut down part or all of the metro, and sections of the city as the two sides trade teargas and rubber bullets for bricks and molotov cocktails. Many pro-Beijing candidates were running on promises to “stop the violence” of the protests in which hundreds have been injured, some critically.
A stone’s throw from Nam Pin Wai, a village which saw a notorious attack on protesters and commuters in July by thugs thought to have links to the establishment, several older voters said they would be supporting the government for that reason. Authorities have tried to paint the demonstrators as unreasonable extremists, and brush off calls for an independent inquiry into escalating police brutality.
“I think both sides have faults but I am here to support the government. The young ones are too radical,” said Ms Tang, 70, who refused to give her first name. “No matter how noble the protesters’ ideals are, they shouldn’t bash things up and interfere with our daily lives.” But even in establishment strongholds, support for pro-democracy candidates has grown.
But even in that area, where there are powerful clans and vested interests backing the pro-Beijing camp, support for pro-democracy candidates has grown. Adrian Lau is running in a seat that has never been contested before, and said he had many private pledges of votes. Adrian Lau ran in a seat that had never been contested before, near a village where a notorious attack on protesters and commuters happened in July by thugs thought to have links to the establishment.
“The 21 July attack has prompted a lot of people to come out to vote today. Some told us they’d vote for us and thank us for giving them an alternative but daren’t say that out loud,” he said. “Many people have completely lost trust in the police after the incident.” “Many people have completely lost trust in the police after the incident,” he said. “Some told us they’d vote for us and thank us for giving them an alternative but daren’t say that out loud.”
A landslide for pro-democracy candidates would have few immediate political consequences, but in the long term it might slightly tip the balance of power in the city, because the councils play a role in choosing the chief executive and some legislators. A pro-democracy landslide will have few immediate political consequences, but in the long term it might slightly tip the balance of power in the city, because the councils play a role in choosing the chief executive and some legislators.
Control of a majority of councils might allow pro-democrats to have greater leverage the next time the city chooses a leader, although they would still be far from a majority. And it may leave the government and authorities in Beijing, who have long insisted they are backed by a “silent majority” despite the street violence, scrambling for a response. Control of a majority of councils might allow pro-democrats to have greater leverage the next time the city chooses a leader, although they would still be far from a majority. And it may leave the government and authorities in Beijing scrambling for a response.
“This will send the message to the government that they should be more humble. It’s your job to serve people, and not beat people up if they don’t listen to you,” said Stephen, a retired businessman in his 60s voting in the affluent Mid-Levels neighbourhood.“This will send the message to the government that they should be more humble. It’s your job to serve people, and not beat people up if they don’t listen to you,” said Stephen, a retired businessman in his 60s voting in the affluent Mid-Levels neighbourhood.
“This government won’t respond to the voters but China should heed this message. They should make some concessions.”“This government won’t respond to the voters but China should heed this message. They should make some concessions.”