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Hong Kong voters deliver landslide victory for pro-democracy campaigners Hong Kong voters deliver landslide victory for pro-democracy campaigners
(about 2 hours later)
Poll for relatively toothless district councils becomes proxy referendum for the city’s future after months of protestsPoll for relatively toothless district councils becomes proxy referendum for the city’s future after months of protests
Hong Kong’s voters turned out in record numbers to deliver a landslide for pro-democracy campaigners and a powerful rebuke to the government, in local elections that were widely seen as a proxy vote on the city’s protest movement. Hong Kong’s voters have turned out in record numbers to deliver a landslide for pro-democracy campaigners and a powerful rebuke to the government, in local elections that were widely seen as a proxy referendum on the city’s protest movement.
Both in absolute numbers, and in turnout rates, it was easily the biggest exercise in democratic participation that Hong Kong has ever seen, with many voters waiting more than an hour to cast their ballot.Both in absolute numbers, and in turnout rates, it was easily the biggest exercise in democratic participation that Hong Kong has ever seen, with many voters waiting more than an hour to cast their ballot.
By the time polls closed at 10.30pm, nearly 3 million people had voted, representing more than 71% of the electorate and nearly half of Hong Kong’s entire population. Many had never voted before. When polls closed at 10.30pm on Sunday, nearly 3 million people had voted, representing more than 71% of the electorate and nearly half of Hong Kong’s entire population. Many had never voted before.
As the first results trickled in from vote counts across the city, it was clear that Sunday marked a sea-change in Hong Kong politics. They handed control of at least 15 of the city’s 18 district councils to pro-democracy politicians, a sea-change in Hong Kong politics.
A string of prominent pro-Beijing politicians were evicted from what had been safe seats, among them Junius Ho, who has been widely reviled for shaking hands with a gang of thugs who attacked protestors and commuters in July. “I would not use the word happy, but we have made progress towards a situation where we can fight back against the government,” said Clarisse Yeung, an artist-turned-politician who led campaigning in the Wan chai district, and announced the shift of power with tears in her eyes.
Pro-democracy counsellors took control of at least eleven district councils. Wan chai, on Hong Kong island, will now be led by Clarisse Yeung, an artist-turned-politician who announced the shift of power with tears in her eyes. “It’s important because we all know that we have been sacrificing too much in the past few months,” she said. “Hong Kong people are no longer naive. We have to prepare ourselves, we have to have faith in ourselves to bring change.”
She said: “I would not use the word happy, but we have made progress towards a situation where we can fight back against the government. It’s important because we all know that we have been sacrificing too much in the past few months. A string of prominent pro-Beijing candidates were also evicted from what had been safe seats, among them Junius Ho, who has been widely reviled for shaking hands with a gang of thugs who attacked protesters and commuters in July.
“Hong Kong people are no longer naive. We have to prepare ourselves, we have to have faith in ourselves to bring change.” There will be few immediate political consequences in Hong Kong because the councils have limited powers, only a small budget and a mandate restricted to hyper-local issues such as parks, bus stops and waste collection.
She will be joined on the council by Cathy Yau, a former police officer who resigned from the force to fight on a pro-democracy platform. But the pro-democratic landslide was a defiant rebuke to the government’s frequent argument that its hardline policies had the support of a “silent majority”, who had been cowed by protester violence. In a peaceful vote, the city’s people came out against them.
The pro-democratic landslide was a defiant rebuke to the government’s frequent argument that its hardline policies had the support of a “silent majority”, cowed by protestor violence. In a peaceful vote, the city’s people had turned against them. Many had never cast a ballot before. It will also give communist party chiefs in Beijing – who have backed the government as it dug into confrontation with demonstrators – cause to reconsider their approach. Hong Kong’s protests are perhaps the biggest challenge to China’s autocratic president, Xi Jinping, since he took power in 2012.
“It’s my first time voting. I registered myself because of the [protest] movement,” said Vivian Lee, an insurance worker in her 30s. “I’m happy so many people have come out to vote, because we want our voices heard.” And these local election victories may sow the seeds of greater long-term influence for democrats, because the councils play a role in choosing the city’s chief executive and some legislators.
Many of those who turned out on Sunday had never cast a ballot before. “It’s my first time voting. I registered myself because of the [protest] movement,” said Vivian Lee, an insurance worker in her 30s. “I’m happy so many people have come out to vote, because we want our voices heard.”
Despite long queues outside polling stations a spirit of exhilaration gripped much of the city, perhaps because people had a chance to give private, peaceful verdicts on a showdown that has upended normal life.Despite long queues outside polling stations a spirit of exhilaration gripped much of the city, perhaps because people had a chance to give private, peaceful verdicts on a showdown that has upended normal life.
It was the first weekend without teargas on the streets since mid-August, though after voting ended, riot police did end an almost entirely peaceful day by using pepper spray to resolve a dispute between supporters of rival candidates.It was the first weekend without teargas on the streets since mid-August, though after voting ended, riot police did end an almost entirely peaceful day by using pepper spray to resolve a dispute between supporters of rival candidates.
District elections did not tend to attract so much interest in Hong Kong – even less beyond the city. District elections had not previously attracted much interest in Hong Kong, or beyond. The councils have a reputation for self-serving indolence and for years they were packed by disciplined and well-funded pro-Beijing candidates.
The councils are relatively toothless bodies, they have few powers, limited budgets and had a reputation for self-serving indolence; disciplined and well-funded pro-Beijing candidates packed most of them for years. But months of pro-democracy protests, from a 2 million-strong peaceful march in June, to increasingly violent street demonstrations that culminated in a siege of a city-centre university, turned a sleepy local poll into something more significant.
But months of pro-democracy protests, from a 2 million-strong peaceful march to increasingly violent street demonstrations, have transformed the city’s political landscape. For supporters of the movement voting was an opportunity and an obligation. It was widely seen as a proxy referendum on the leader, Carrie Lam, who responded to the movement by backing an escalation of police action and refusing to negotiate or compromise with the protesters.
The district councils are the only Hong Kong authority selected by full universal suffrage. The city’s leader is chosen by an electoral college and only some seats in the city’s legislature are selected in open ballots. For many in Hong Kong, that made the poll both an opportunity and an obligation, particularly important because district councils are the only Hong Kong authority selected by full universal suffrage. The city’s leader is chosen by an electoral college and only some seats in the city’s legislature are selected in open ballots.
“If you are willing to march or protest in the streets, which requires blood and sweat and tears, its much easier to walk downstairs and vote,” said one man who has taken part in the street protests, and asked not to be named because of fear of official retaliation. “Even if the system is broken, we can try to use it against the government.”“If you are willing to march or protest in the streets, which requires blood and sweat and tears, its much easier to walk downstairs and vote,” said one man who has taken part in the street protests, and asked not to be named because of fear of official retaliation. “Even if the system is broken, we can try to use it against the government.”
A last-minute surge in registration added to the electoral rolls nearly 400,000 voters – most of them young – and a wave of novice pro-democracy candidates meant that for the first time in Hong Kong’s history every seat was contested. A last-minute surge in registrations added nearly 400,000 voters to the electoral rolls – most of them young – and a wave of novice pro-democracy candidates meant that for the first time in Hong Kong’s history every seat was contested.
Many pro-Beijing candidates were running on promises to “stop the violence” of the protests in which hundreds have been injured, some critically. Many pro-Beijing candidates were running on promises to “stop the violence” of the protests in which at least two people have died and hundreds have been injured, some critically.
Authorities have tried to paint the demonstrators as unreasonable extremists, and brush off calls for an independent inquiry into escalating police brutality.Authorities have tried to paint the demonstrators as unreasonable extremists, and brush off calls for an independent inquiry into escalating police brutality.
But even in establishment strongholds, support for pro-democracy candidates has grown. But even in establishment strongholds, support for pro-democracy candidates grew. Adrian Lau ran in a seat that had never been contested by a pro-democracy candidate before, near a village where in July thugs thought to have links to the establishment attacked protesters and commuters.
Adrian Lau ran in a seat that had never been contested before, near a village where a notorious attack on protesters and commuters happened in July by thugs thought to have links to the establishment. “Many people have completely lost trust in the police after the incident,” he said. “Some told us they’d vote for us and thank us for giving them an alternative but daren’t say that out loud.”
“Many people have completely lost trust in the police after the incident,” he said. “Some told us they’d vote for us and thank us for giving them an alternative but daren’t say that out loud.” Stephen, a retired businessman in his 60s voting in the affluent Mid-Levels neighbourhood, said: “This will send the message to the government that they should be more humble. It’s your job to serve people, and not beat people up if they don’t listen to you.”
A pro-democracy landslide will have few immediate political consequences, but in the long term it might slightly tip the balance of power in the city, because the councils play a role in choosing the chief executive and some legislators.
Control of a majority of councils might allow pro-democrats to have greater leverage the next time the city chooses a leader, although they would still be far from a majority. And it may leave the government and authorities in Beijing scrambling for a response.
“This will send the message to the government that they should be more humble. It’s your job to serve people, and not beat people up if they don’t listen to you,” said Stephen, a retired businessman in his 60s voting in the affluent Mid-Levels neighbourhood.
“This government won’t respond to the voters but China should heed this message. They should make some concessions.”