This article is from the source 'nytimes' and was first published or seen on . It last changed over 40 days ago and won't be checked again for changes.

You can find the current article at its original source at http://www.nytimes.com/2013/05/30/world/europe/economist-sergei-guriev-leaves-russia-abruptly.html

The article has changed 8 times. There is an RSS feed of changes available.

Version 2 Version 3
Economist Leaves Russia After Questioning, Colleagues Say Economist Leaves Russia After Questioning, Colleagues Say
(38 minutes later)
MOSCOW — A prominent liberal-minded economist has fled Russia under pressure from government investigators, as the Kremlin’s year-long crackdown moves beyond protesters and their leaders to elite power-brokers who are suspected of supporting them. MOSCOW — A prominent, liberal-minded economist has fled Russia under pressure from government investigators, as the Kremlin’s yearlong crackdown moves beyond protesters and their leaders to elite power-brokers who are suspected of supporting them.
Sergei Guriev, who wielded significant influence under the presidency of Dmitri A. Medvedev, has been questioned repeatedly in a case that stems from a report that he co-wrote that harshly criticized the treatment of Mikhail B. Khodorkovsky, the imprisoned oil tycoon and Putin rival. The economist, Sergei Guriev, who wielded significant influence under the presidency of Dmitri A. Medvedev, has been questioned repeatedly in a case that stems from a report of which he was a co-author that harshly criticized the treatment of Mikhail B. Khodorkovsky, the imprisoned oil tycoon and Putin rival.
Mr. Guriev’s flight comes amid a series of probes that focus on Moscow insiders who, investigators believe, have offered support to the opposition movement.Mr. Guriev’s flight comes amid a series of probes that focus on Moscow insiders who, investigators believe, have offered support to the opposition movement.
Behind their suspicions lies an uncomfortable truth: Among the businessmen and technocrats who make up Moscow’s ruling class are many who hold relatively liberal views, and some who — whether they say so or not — are uncomfortable with the repressive, conservative course Mr. Putin has set since his return. But they have felt safe, for the most part, until now.Behind their suspicions lies an uncomfortable truth: Among the businessmen and technocrats who make up Moscow’s ruling class are many who hold relatively liberal views, and some who — whether they say so or not — are uncomfortable with the repressive, conservative course Mr. Putin has set since his return. But they have felt safe, for the most part, until now.
“This means that no one has immunity,” said Aleksei V. Makarkin, an analyst at Moscow’s Center for Political Technologies. “If any representative of the elite enters into a relationship with the opposition, he takes a great risk.”“This means that no one has immunity,” said Aleksei V. Makarkin, an analyst at Moscow’s Center for Political Technologies. “If any representative of the elite enters into a relationship with the opposition, he takes a great risk.”
Mr. Guriev would not comment on his decision, and has said he is vacationing with his wife and children in France. But a friend, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said Mr. Guriev left Russia abruptly because “had reason to believe he could be deprived of his freedom.”Mr. Guriev would not comment on his decision, and has said he is vacationing with his wife and children in France. But a friend, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said Mr. Guriev left Russia abruptly because “had reason to believe he could be deprived of his freedom.”
A series of recent probes have targeted government insiders, liberal elite who offered credible support to calls for government accountability, rule of law and democracy. Notably, investigators opened a criminal case against a top executive at the Skolkovo Foundation — the state-financed innovation hub that was Mr. Medvedev’s trademark project — alleging the payment of hefty speaker’s fees to the opposition leader Ilya V. Ponomaryov. A series of recent probes have targeted government insiders, mostly officials who fell into Mr. Medvedev’s liberal-leaning camp. Notably, investigators opened a criminal case against a top executive at the Skolkovo Foundation — the state-financed innovation hub that was Mr. Medvedev’s trademark project — alleging the payment of hefty speaker’s fees to the opposition leader Ilya V. Ponomaryov.
One of the few political heavyweights affiliated with Mr. Medvedev, deputy prime minister, Vladislav Y. Surkov, resigned after publicly criticizing the investigation, amid reports he was forced out. Anonymous officials told journalists/CAN WE BE MORE TRANSPARENT HERE. TOLD WHAT REPORTERS? HOW DO WE KNOW THIS? /that Mr. Surkov, too, was suspected of supporting the opposition. One of the few political heavyweights affiliated with Mr. Medvedev, deputy prime minister, Vladislav Y. Surkov, resigned after publicly criticizing the investigation, amid reports he was forced out. Anonymous officials told journalists that Mr. Surkov, too, was suspected of supporting the opposition.
Mr. Guriev, the rector of the New Economic School, wrote speeches for Mr. Medvedev and sat on numerous advisory bodies. When Barack Obama visited Moscow in 2009, he chose Mr. Guriev’s university as the venue for a major speech.Mr. Guriev, the rector of the New Economic School, wrote speeches for Mr. Medvedev and sat on numerous advisory bodies. When Barack Obama visited Moscow in 2009, he chose Mr. Guriev’s university as the venue for a major speech.
A centrist figure, on good terms with most of Moscow’s power brokers, Mr. Guriev took the unusual step last May of contributing $300 rubles to a fund supporting the anti-corruption efforts of Aleksei Navalny, an opposition leader.A centrist figure, on good terms with most of Moscow’s power brokers, Mr. Guriev took the unusual step last May of contributing $300 rubles to a fund supporting the anti-corruption efforts of Aleksei Navalny, an opposition leader.
In an essay about the decision, he said he did it because he believes Russia needs more political competition.In an essay about the decision, he said he did it because he believes Russia needs more political competition.
“Am I not afraid?” he wrote “No. I am a free person. I know that as long as I haven’t violated the law, no one can forbid me to say something or do something. Might I be misled? Of course.”“Am I not afraid?” he wrote “No. I am a free person. I know that as long as I haven’t violated the law, no one can forbid me to say something or do something. Might I be misled? Of course.”
Since then, Mr. Guriev has been questioned repeatedly in a case that stems from the 2011 report on Mr. Khodorovsky’s case. Investigators have scrutinized several experts, contending that they had been paid for their opinion by Yukos, Mr. Khodorkovsky’s company.Since then, Mr. Guriev has been questioned repeatedly in a case that stems from the 2011 report on Mr. Khodorovsky’s case. Investigators have scrutinized several experts, contending that they had been paid for their opinion by Yukos, Mr. Khodorkovsky’s company.
Mr. Guriev’s friend, who spoke anonymously because he was not authorized to speak about the case, said that after the most recent round of questioning, Mr. Guriev “asked a number of influential people in Moscow who normally would protect him, and he was given advice that he was not safe.”Mr. Guriev’s friend, who spoke anonymously because he was not authorized to speak about the case, said that after the most recent round of questioning, Mr. Guriev “asked a number of influential people in Moscow who normally would protect him, and he was given advice that he was not safe.”
The friend added, “He left in a hurry, we’re talking about a few days.” Another friend and colleague, the economist Barry Ickes, cast Mr. Guriev’s decision as the result of a long deliberation. “It came to a point where he had to make a decision, because he was in limbo,” he said.The friend added, “He left in a hurry, we’re talking about a few days.” Another friend and colleague, the economist Barry Ickes, cast Mr. Guriev’s decision as the result of a long deliberation. “It came to a point where he had to make a decision, because he was in limbo,” he said.
Dmitri S. Peskov, a spokesman for Mr. Putin, said as far as he knew, Mr. Guriev had simply left Russia on vacation, and that he could not comment on the investigation.Dmitri S. Peskov, a spokesman for Mr. Putin, said as far as he knew, Mr. Guriev had simply left Russia on vacation, and that he could not comment on the investigation.
“This is not our question. This has nothing to do with the Kremlin, nothing to do with the president,” he said. “The only thing I can tell you is that this is pure speculation. I find only his words saying he had personal reasons to resign.”“This is not our question. This has nothing to do with the Kremlin, nothing to do with the president,” he said. “The only thing I can tell you is that this is pure speculation. I find only his words saying he had personal reasons to resign.”
Commenting on Mr. Guriev’s case on Wednesday, the pro-Kremlin analyst Sergei A. Markov wrote that institutions like Skolkovo and the New Economic School had been use to funnel funds to the “white-ribbon” demonstrators.Commenting on Mr. Guriev’s case on Wednesday, the pro-Kremlin analyst Sergei A. Markov wrote that institutions like Skolkovo and the New Economic School had been use to funnel funds to the “white-ribbon” demonstrators.
“The sudden departure of Guriev is connected to the attempt to keep out of the hands of investigators these secret channels, through which oligarchic and federal budgetary funds went to support the revolutionary anti-Putin opposition,” Mr. Markov said. “The goal was, of course, not direct revolution, but for Putin to give up his intentions to return for a third term.”“The sudden departure of Guriev is connected to the attempt to keep out of the hands of investigators these secret channels, through which oligarchic and federal budgetary funds went to support the revolutionary anti-Putin opposition,” Mr. Markov said. “The goal was, of course, not direct revolution, but for Putin to give up his intentions to return for a third term.”
A year after Mr. Putin’s return, the balance between liberals and hard-liners in his government has changed rapidly, and a shadow of suspicion has fallen over much of Mr. Medvedev’s legacy. Mr. Medvedev’s team is now seen in the Kremlin as sympathetic toward the opposition, and draws even more suspicion than the protesters themselves, Mr. Makarkin said.A year after Mr. Putin’s return, the balance between liberals and hard-liners in his government has changed rapidly, and a shadow of suspicion has fallen over much of Mr. Medvedev’s legacy. Mr. Medvedev’s team is now seen in the Kremlin as sympathetic toward the opposition, and draws even more suspicion than the protesters themselves, Mr. Makarkin said.
Mr. Guriev was a rare figure who straddled the worlds of Moscow elites and opposition activists, which seemed to overlap momentarily when anti-Putin protests broke out in late 2011.Mr. Guriev was a rare figure who straddled the worlds of Moscow elites and opposition activists, which seemed to overlap momentarily when anti-Putin protests broke out in late 2011.
Though his wife, herself a prominent economist,moved to France some time ago, Mr. Guriev remained in Russia. He threw his energy into persuading talented Western-educated Russian academics to return to Russia to teach, said Erik Berglof, chairman of the New Economic School’s international advisory board.Though his wife, herself a prominent economist,moved to France some time ago, Mr. Guriev remained in Russia. He threw his energy into persuading talented Western-educated Russian academics to return to Russia to teach, said Erik Berglof, chairman of the New Economic School’s international advisory board.
“He certainly was someone who believed that Russia could change,” Mr. Berglof said, adding that the board has begun searching for his successor. “He will be greatly missed, but the school existed before Sergei joined and will continue to develop after he has left.”“He certainly was someone who believed that Russia could change,” Mr. Berglof said, adding that the board has begun searching for his successor. “He will be greatly missed, but the school existed before Sergei joined and will continue to develop after he has left.”
Mr. Guriev has not offered any details of his interactions with investigators, but one of the other collaborators on the Khodorkovsky report — a team convened by Mr. Medvedev’s human rights council -- said investigators nearly picked apart his organization in search of evidence that it had received money from Mr. Khodorkovsky. Mr. Guriev has not offered any details of his interactions with investigators, but one of the other collaborators on the Khodorkovsky report — a team convened by Mr. Medvedev’s human rights council said investigators nearly picked apart his organization in search of evidence that it had received money from Mr. Khodorkovsky.
Mikhail A. Subbotin, a legal expert, said beginning in September his accountants and co-workers were questioned for days. Investigators searched his home and office, confiscating computers and flash drives, and went so far as to comb though the home of one worker’s husband in Kazakhstan. To him, the charges seemed so flimsy that the probe would swiftly conclude, but he gradually realized otherwise.Mikhail A. Subbotin, a legal expert, said beginning in September his accountants and co-workers were questioned for days. Investigators searched his home and office, confiscating computers and flash drives, and went so far as to comb though the home of one worker’s husband in Kazakhstan. To him, the charges seemed so flimsy that the probe would swiftly conclude, but he gradually realized otherwise.
“Unfortunately, the system works in such a way that it cannot go into reverse,” he said. “if something doesn’t work out, then the system has to push forward, to be more active, and more aggressive, and put on even stronger pressure. And that’s what is going on right now.”“Unfortunately, the system works in such a way that it cannot go into reverse,” he said. “if something doesn’t work out, then the system has to push forward, to be more active, and more aggressive, and put on even stronger pressure. And that’s what is going on right now.”
Reporting contributed by Andrew Roth.

Andrew Roth contributed reporting.