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| As Hong Kong’s Deadlock Continues, ‘Status Quo Is Confusion’ | As Hong Kong’s Deadlock Continues, ‘Status Quo Is Confusion’ |
| (35 minutes later) | |
| HONG KONG — Pro-democracy politicians in Hong Kong on Friday urged the city’s tycoons to use their influence with the Chinese government to seek a way out of the deadlock with the protesters who have occupied key parts of the city for several days, as the student-led movement blockading roads and government offices struggled with exhaustion and discord. | HONG KONG — Pro-democracy politicians in Hong Kong on Friday urged the city’s tycoons to use their influence with the Chinese government to seek a way out of the deadlock with the protesters who have occupied key parts of the city for several days, as the student-led movement blockading roads and government offices struggled with exhaustion and discord. |
| “At present, the status quo is confusion,” said Albert Ho, a prominent Hong Kong lawyer who is a member of the city’s Legislative Council and the Democratic Party. “I would say that we are still trying to find a strategy to sustain the movement and to preserve peace.” | “At present, the status quo is confusion,” said Albert Ho, a prominent Hong Kong lawyer who is a member of the city’s Legislative Council and the Democratic Party. “I would say that we are still trying to find a strategy to sustain the movement and to preserve peace.” |
| Even before skies over Hong Kong darkened in the afternoon and released downpours, some of the protesters’ sit-ins on major roads shrank as the city returned to work after a two-day holiday. In the Mong Kok neighborhood, a dense hive of shops, apartment blocks and hotels, a skirmish broke out between occupying protesters and men who tried to clear them away. | Even before skies over Hong Kong darkened in the afternoon and released downpours, some of the protesters’ sit-ins on major roads shrank as the city returned to work after a two-day holiday. In the Mong Kok neighborhood, a dense hive of shops, apartment blocks and hotels, a skirmish broke out between occupying protesters and men who tried to clear them away. |
| But the biggest road occupations near the government headquarters and the legislature remained in place, and many hundreds of activists maintained their siege of the office of the city leader, or chief executive, Leung Chun-ying. The demonstrators have demanded that he resign and that his successors be democratically elected, without prior vetting of the candidates by Beijing. | But the biggest road occupations near the government headquarters and the legislature remained in place, and many hundreds of activists maintained their siege of the office of the city leader, or chief executive, Leung Chun-ying. The demonstrators have demanded that he resign and that his successors be democratically elected, without prior vetting of the candidates by Beijing. |
| The Chinese Communist Party, however, has already adamantly rejected both of those demands and warned that Hong Kong could tumble into chaos if the protests continue. Leaders in Beijing fear that giving democratic power to Hong Kong, a former British colony, would make maintaining control over it even harder; but the upheavals over the past week have shown that many Hong Kong residents, especially the young, reject Mr. Leung as an inept proxy for the party. | The Chinese Communist Party, however, has already adamantly rejected both of those demands and warned that Hong Kong could tumble into chaos if the protests continue. Leaders in Beijing fear that giving democratic power to Hong Kong, a former British colony, would make maintaining control over it even harder; but the upheavals over the past week have shown that many Hong Kong residents, especially the young, reject Mr. Leung as an inept proxy for the party. |
| “We want to impose enough pressure to make C. Y. Leung respond to the voice of the people,” said George Wong, a 31-year-old conceptual artist who was among those holding a sit-in that prevented Mr. Leung on Friday from using his office, which sits in a government complex beside Victoria Harbor. But the protesters have quarreled over tactics, and on Friday morning they debated fiercely whether to let trucks and ambulances past their blockade. | “We want to impose enough pressure to make C. Y. Leung respond to the voice of the people,” said George Wong, a 31-year-old conceptual artist who was among those holding a sit-in that prevented Mr. Leung on Friday from using his office, which sits in a government complex beside Victoria Harbor. But the protesters have quarreled over tactics, and on Friday morning they debated fiercely whether to let trucks and ambulances past their blockade. |
| “The more radical groups are suspicious and think the government is trying to trick us,” Mr. Wong said. “This continuous tension, it’s the immediate consequence of having no leaders.” | “The more radical groups are suspicious and think the government is trying to trick us,” Mr. Wong said. “This continuous tension, it’s the immediate consequence of having no leaders.” |
| Emily Lau, the chairwoman of Democratic Party, said the way out of the crisis could lie as much in the boardrooms overlooking Victoria Harbor as it does on the streets. In an interview, she said that no solution was in sight for the standoff between protesters and the police and that it was time for Hong Kong’s tycoons — with their deep business and political ties in China — to speak up and help broker concessions that could end the impasse. | Emily Lau, the chairwoman of Democratic Party, said the way out of the crisis could lie as much in the boardrooms overlooking Victoria Harbor as it does on the streets. In an interview, she said that no solution was in sight for the standoff between protesters and the police and that it was time for Hong Kong’s tycoons — with their deep business and political ties in China — to speak up and help broker concessions that could end the impasse. |
| “If you want the general public to climb down and accept nothing, I think it’s very difficult,” she said in an interview. “Some of the people that I think should be and could be influential, I think they should do something, and I am referring to the political and business elites in Hong Kong, especially the business community. These are the only ones that Beijing will listen to.” | “If you want the general public to climb down and accept nothing, I think it’s very difficult,” she said in an interview. “Some of the people that I think should be and could be influential, I think they should do something, and I am referring to the political and business elites in Hong Kong, especially the business community. These are the only ones that Beijing will listen to.” |
| “Quite a number of people have asked me, ‘Now Hong Kong is in crisis. What are these elites doing to help? Where are they?’ ” she said. | “Quite a number of people have asked me, ‘Now Hong Kong is in crisis. What are these elites doing to help? Where are they?’ ” she said. |
| Part of the answer is that many of them are away. Many if not most of the city’s tycoons were out of town this week on vacations, taking advantage of a week with two consecutive days of public holidays. | Part of the answer is that many of them are away. Many if not most of the city’s tycoons were out of town this week on vacations, taking advantage of a week with two consecutive days of public holidays. |
| The Chinese Communist Party has long been a firm friend of Hong Kong’s capitalist elite, seen by Beijing as a dependable bulwark against populist pressures. Nearly two weeks ago, before the protests erupted, China’s president, Xi Jinping, met with a delegation of Hong Kong’s pro-Beijing business and professional elite and urged them to defend the party’s plans to give the city limited electoral changes that critics have denounced as a mockery of democracy. The delegation included Li Ka-shing, head of Cheung Kong Holdings and Asia’s wealthiest man; Lee Shau-kee, the chairman of Henderson Land Development; and Peter Woo Kwong-ching, the chairman of Wharf Holdings. | The Chinese Communist Party has long been a firm friend of Hong Kong’s capitalist elite, seen by Beijing as a dependable bulwark against populist pressures. Nearly two weeks ago, before the protests erupted, China’s president, Xi Jinping, met with a delegation of Hong Kong’s pro-Beijing business and professional elite and urged them to defend the party’s plans to give the city limited electoral changes that critics have denounced as a mockery of democracy. The delegation included Li Ka-shing, head of Cheung Kong Holdings and Asia’s wealthiest man; Lee Shau-kee, the chairman of Henderson Land Development; and Peter Woo Kwong-ching, the chairman of Wharf Holdings. |
| So far, there has been no effort yet by tycoons to try to push the government to compromise on election issues or to ask the chief executive to resign. Most Hong Kong tycoons’ incomes are closely tied to real estate: storefronts, offices and apartments. And as the occupants, notably the owners of small businesses, must keep paying rents despite any disruption from the protests, the tycoons have not suffered in their pocketbooks. | So far, there has been no effort yet by tycoons to try to push the government to compromise on election issues or to ask the chief executive to resign. Most Hong Kong tycoons’ incomes are closely tied to real estate: storefronts, offices and apartments. And as the occupants, notably the owners of small businesses, must keep paying rents despite any disruption from the protests, the tycoons have not suffered in their pocketbooks. |
| “The tycoons couldn’t care less,” said one person heavily involved in the government’s discussions of the issue. “It’s the small businesses who are in trouble.” | “The tycoons couldn’t care less,” said one person heavily involved in the government’s discussions of the issue. “It’s the small businesses who are in trouble.” |
| Mr. Ho, the lawyer and democratic politician, said people sympathetic with the demands of the protesters have urged the tycoons to help open up communication with Beijing, but he was not hopeful of any breakthrough. | Mr. Ho, the lawyer and democratic politician, said people sympathetic with the demands of the protesters have urged the tycoons to help open up communication with Beijing, but he was not hopeful of any breakthrough. |
| “I think someone has spoken to the tycoons and told them that C. Y. Leung’s departure would be conducive to a more amicable atmosphere for talks,” he said. “I have spoken to some people who have direct access to the tycoons. The message has been passed through. I would not know whether that message has been passed on to Beijing.” | “I think someone has spoken to the tycoons and told them that C. Y. Leung’s departure would be conducive to a more amicable atmosphere for talks,” he said. “I have spoken to some people who have direct access to the tycoons. The message has been passed through. I would not know whether that message has been passed on to Beijing.” |
| The tycoons did make a critical difference in the last big round of pro-democracy demonstrations in Hong Kong, which occurred in 2003. The Liberal Party, dominated by the business elite, abruptly withdrew its support in the Legislative Council for passage of a controversial national security bill after James Tien, a wealthy real estate developer who is the longtime leader of the party, announced that he was worried that further protests might lead to damage to downtown property. | The tycoons did make a critical difference in the last big round of pro-democracy demonstrations in Hong Kong, which occurred in 2003. The Liberal Party, dominated by the business elite, abruptly withdrew its support in the Legislative Council for passage of a controversial national security bill after James Tien, a wealthy real estate developer who is the longtime leader of the party, announced that he was worried that further protests might lead to damage to downtown property. |
| But the influence of the tycoons has eroded since then with the rise of the populist and more staunchly pro-Beijing Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong. Moreover, neither the Hong Kong government nor the government in Beijing is nearly as dependent on votes in the Legislative Council this time: Beijing officials have already pointed out that if no changes to electoral law are approved soon, then the existing laws will remain in place. | But the influence of the tycoons has eroded since then with the rise of the populist and more staunchly pro-Beijing Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong. Moreover, neither the Hong Kong government nor the government in Beijing is nearly as dependent on votes in the Legislative Council this time: Beijing officials have already pointed out that if no changes to electoral law are approved soon, then the existing laws will remain in place. |
| Those laws already strongly favor Beijing, by allowing the next chief executive to be chosen by a 1,200-member committee that has a clear majority of Beijing loyalists. | Those laws already strongly favor Beijing, by allowing the next chief executive to be chosen by a 1,200-member committee that has a clear majority of Beijing loyalists. |
| The protesters mostly agree on two demands: open democratic elections for the chief executive, and removing Mr. Leung, even if his successor turns out to be another pro-Beijing politician. But on Thursday night and then Friday, the main protest groups and crowds on the streets have echoed with uncertainty and disagreement over how to press those demands and whether to adopt more confrontational methods. | The protesters mostly agree on two demands: open democratic elections for the chief executive, and removing Mr. Leung, even if his successor turns out to be another pro-Beijing politician. But on Thursday night and then Friday, the main protest groups and crowds on the streets have echoed with uncertainty and disagreement over how to press those demands and whether to adopt more confrontational methods. |
| Benny Tai, an associate professor of law at the University of Hong Kong who has been at the forefront of a leading pro-democracy group, told reporters that “trust can solve our problems.” | Benny Tai, an associate professor of law at the University of Hong Kong who has been at the forefront of a leading pro-democracy group, told reporters that “trust can solve our problems.” |
| “This movement doesn’t have an actual leader, but it’s not without direction, not without a goal, and there are ways to handle the different views of the movement’s participants,” he said. “We share the same goal. Our methods may not be the same in actual scenarios. I hope everybody can persist in the spirit of peaceful resistance.” |