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Protest Camp in Hong Kong Comes Under Assault Protest Camps in Hong Kong Comes Under Assault
(about 2 hours later)
HONG KONG — Protesters occupying one of Hong Kong’s most crowded areas came under assault on Friday from men seeking to break apart their pro-democracy sit-in, tearing down their tents and surrounding demonstrators who said their attackers were pro-government gangs. HONG KONG — Pro-democracy protesters in two parts of Hong Kong came under assault on Friday from men seeking to break apart their encampments, surrounding them and tearing down their tents.
A week after the pro-democracy protests started at a student rally, the movement was increasingly strained both by external blows and by internal discord and exhaustion. Some feared it was close to unraveling, and the two student groups and pro-democracy movement supporting the “Occupy” protests issued a warning that it could call off proposed negotiations with the government. The protesters said the attackers were pro-government gangs, and several of the groups leading the protest issued a joint statement warning that they would call off proposed negotiations with the government “if the government does not immediately prevent the organized attacks.”
“If the government does not immediately prevent the organized attacks on supporters of the Occupy movement, the students will call off dialogue on political reform with the government,” they said in a statement. A week after the pro-democracy protests started at a student rally, the movement showed increasing strains on Friday from both external blows and from internal discord and exhaustion, even before the attacks began.
Even before skies over Hong Kong darkened in the afternoon and released downpours, some of the protesters’ sit-ins on major roads shrank as the city returned to work after a two-day holiday. In the Mong Kok neighborhood, a hive of shops, apartment blocks and hotels that is one of the world’s mostly densely populated places, bitter skirmishing broke out between occupying protesters and men who tried to clear them and their makeshift shelters away. Then, in the afternoon, bitter skirmishing broke out between protesters and men who tried to clear them and their makeshift shelters away. It began in the Mong Kok neighborhood, a hive of shops, apartment blocks and hotels that is one of the world’s mostly densely populated places.
As rain fell, a couple dozen men stormed into the encampment in the middle of Nathan Road, a major thoroughfare. They pushed and punched past the protesters, grabbed the scaffolding of canopies and pulled until they collapsed in heaps. As skies darkened and rain fell, a couple of dozen men stormed the encampment in the middle of Nathan Road, a major thoroughfare usually packed with traffic and shoppers. The men pushed and pummeled the protesters, grabbed the scaffolding of canopies and pulled until the tents collapsed in heaps.
Jones Lam, a 63-year-old retiree, was one of about two dozen men who began assaulting the protest camp early in the afternoon. “They blocked the road,” Mr. Lam said of the protesters. “They blocked the people going to work.” Jones Lam, a 63-year-old retiree, was one of about two dozen men who began assaulting the protest camp in the afternoon. He said his motive was simple.
The surrounded protesters linked arms in an effort to protect their tents and barricades, but the assault continued, pushing them back until one large tent remained. Police moved between the two groups, but had difficulty keeping the two sides apart. “They blocked the road,” he said of the protesters. “They blocked the people going to work.”
“I feel really hurt,” said one of the protesters, Nick Tse, a 22-year-old art student. “We worked so hard for this, and they destroyed it.” Brawling and angry confrontations also broke out at another protest encampment, in the busy shopping district of Causeway Bay, as tourists hustled by clutching shopping bags.
There were also reports on social media Friday of scuffles and angry confrontations at another protest encampment, in the busy shopping district of Causeway Bay. Eva Sze, a volunteer at that site, said she believed the attackers were not acting on their own. “We began to see radicalists, some I suspected paid, to stir up trouble here,” she said.
The Mong Kok area is notorious for organized gangs known as triads that extort payments from the many small businesses there, or indeed own the businesses, and some of the protesters suggested that the men were connected to them. Asked if he was a member of such a group, another man who joined in tearing down the tents there, Steve Lin, 48, responded: “I’m not a triad. I’m a Hong Konger.” After nearly a week in which the tens of thousands of protesters who have taken over parts of the city were, for the most part, not only nonviolent but assiduously polite and clean, the attacks came as a shock.
Naseem Khan, a 21-year-old student at Hong Kong University who stood protecting the support leg of a canopy, said he worried that the Mong Kok confrontation signaled that the protests were losing public support. “It’s starting to affect others to the point they can’t tolerate it,” Mr. Khan said. “I feel really hurt,” said one of the protesters, Nick Tse, 22, an art student. “We worked so hard for this, and they destroyed it.”
Ng Cham-hung, a 30-year-old university research assistant, was shocked. “We’re rational, we’re disciplined,” he said. “But those pro-government people are attacking us. You can see it with your own eyes.”
The mayhem also threatened to derail tentative talks between the Hong Kong government and the protesters, who have demanded democratic elections for the city’s leader.
Benny Tai, an associate professor of law at the University of Hong Kong who co-founded the main pro-democracy group, Occupy Central With Love and Peace, called the attackers “thugs.” Several protesters raised questions about the lack of police in both areas that came under attack, accusing the authorities of at least tacitly allowing the attacks to occur.
“If the government tolerates and allows body attacks and assaults on personal safety by the so-called patriotic groups, that would be the beginning of riots and chaos,” Cyd Ho Sau-lan, a representative of the pro-democratic Labor Party in the city’s legislature, said in an interview Friday evening.
The Hong Kong government said the violence was good reason for the entire protest movement to end its sit-ins across the city. The police issued a statement urging calm from both sides, and said people should leave the areas of confrontation as soon as possible.
A government official said that the police had made an intensive effort to protect protesters in the face of a very large hostile crowd. “There’s a ring of blue and white around the protesters, and bedlam everywhere else,” said the official, referring to the blue uniforms worn by most police and the white shirts worn by more senior officers.
The Mong Kok area is notorious for organized gangs known as triads that extort payments from the many small businesses there, or in some cases own the businesses. Some of the protesters suggested that the attackers were connected to them.
Asked if he was a member of such a group, one man who joined in tearing down the tents, Steve Lin, 48, said, “I’m not a triad. I’m a Hong Konger.”
The surrounded protesters linked arms in an effort to protect their tents and barricades, but the assault continued, pushing them back until one large tent remained.
The protesters regrouped, while the police struggled in vain to control the mayhem but in insufficient numbers to keep the two sides apart. “Defend Hong Kong people,” the surrounded protesters chanted.
Several protesters said the attackers groped and sexually harrassed female protesters.
“When they see a woman, they grab her,” said Euler Cheung, 38, who works in information technology development. Another protester, Jeff Leung, 23, said it had happened "around three or four times at least.”
Naseem Khan, a 21-year-old student at University of Hong Kong who stood protecting the support leg of a canopy, said he worried that the Mong Kok confrontation signaled that the protests were losing public support. “It’s starting to affect others to the point they can’t tolerate it,” he said.
But the biggest road occupations, near the government headquarters and the legislature, remained in place Friday, and many hundreds of activists maintained their siege of the office of the city leader, or chief executive, Leung Chun-ying. The demonstrators have demanded that he resign and that his successors be democratically elected, without prior vetting of the candidates by Beijing.But the biggest road occupations, near the government headquarters and the legislature, remained in place Friday, and many hundreds of activists maintained their siege of the office of the city leader, or chief executive, Leung Chun-ying. The demonstrators have demanded that he resign and that his successors be democratically elected, without prior vetting of the candidates by Beijing.
The Chinese Communist Party has already adamantly rejected both of those demands and warned that Hong Kong could tumble into chaos if the protests continue. Leaders in Beijing fear that giving democratic power to Hong Kong, a former British colony, would make maintaining control over it even harder; but the upheavals over the past week have shown that many Hong Kong residents, especially the young, reject Mr. Leung as an inept proxy for the party. The Chinese Communist Party has adamantly rejected both of those demands and warned that Hong Kong could tumble into chaos if the protests continued. Leaders in Beijing fear that giving democratic power to Hong Kong, a former British colony, would make maintaining control there even harder, but the upheavals over the past week have shown that many Hong Kong residents, especially the young, reject Mr. Leung as an inept proxy for the party.
“We want to impose enough pressure to make C. Y. Leung respond to the voice of the people,” said George Wong, a 31-year-old conceptual artist who was among those holding a sit-in that prevented Mr. Leung on Friday from using his office, which sits in a government complex beside Victoria Harbor. But the protesters have quarreled over tactics, and on Friday morning they debated fiercely whether to let trucks and ambulances past their blockade. “We want to impose enough pressure to make C. Y. Leung respond to the voice of the people,” said George Wong, a 31-year-old conceptual artist who was among those holding a sit-in that prevented Mr. Leung on Friday from using his office, which sits in a government complex beside Victoria Harbor.
But the protesters have quarreled over tactics, and on Friday morning they debated fiercely whether to let trucks and ambulances past their blockade.
“The more radical groups are suspicious and think the government is trying to trick us,” Mr. Wong said. “This continuous tension, it’s the immediate consequence of having no leaders.”“The more radical groups are suspicious and think the government is trying to trick us,” Mr. Wong said. “This continuous tension, it’s the immediate consequence of having no leaders.”
“At present, the status quo is confusion,” said Albert Ho, a prominent pro-democracy lawyer who is a member of the city’s Legislative Council and the Democratic Party. “I would say that we are still trying to find a strategy to sustain the movement and to preserve peace.”“At present, the status quo is confusion,” said Albert Ho, a prominent pro-democracy lawyer who is a member of the city’s Legislative Council and the Democratic Party. “I would say that we are still trying to find a strategy to sustain the movement and to preserve peace.”
Mr. Leung kept up pressure on the protesters on Friday, repeating his demand that they leave the streets and lift the siege on his office. “No civilized society can allow these things to keep endlessly happening,” he said in remarks to journalists, which were issued by his office.Mr. Leung kept up pressure on the protesters on Friday, repeating his demand that they leave the streets and lift the siege on his office. “No civilized society can allow these things to keep endlessly happening,” he said in remarks to journalists, which were issued by his office.
Emily Lau, the chairwoman of Democratic Party, said the way out of the crisis could lie as much in the boardrooms overlooking Victoria Harbor as it does on the streets. In an interview, she said that no solution was in sight for the standoff between protesters and the police and that it was time for Hong Kong’s tycoons with their deep business and political ties in China to speak up and help broker concessions that could end the impasse. Emily Lau, the chairwoman of Democratic Party, said the way out of the crisis could lie as much in the boardrooms overlooking Victoria Harbor as it does on the streets. In an interview, she said that no solution was in sight for the standoff between protesters and the police and that it was time for Hong Kong’s tycoons, with their deep business and political ties in China, to speak up and help broker concessions that could end the impasse.
“If you want the general public to climb down and accept nothing, I think it’s very difficult,” she said in an interview. “Some of the people that I think should be and could be influential, I think they should do something, and I am referring to the political and business elites in Hong Kong, especially the business community. These are the only ones that Beijing will listen to.” “If you want the general public to climb down and accept nothing, I think it’s very difficult,” she said. “Some of the people that I think should be and could be influential, I think they should do something, and I am referring to the political and business elites in Hong Kong, especially the business community. These are the only ones that Beijing will listen to.”
“Quite a number of people have asked me, ‘Now Hong Kong is in crisis. What are these elites doing to help? Where are they?'  ” she said. The Chinese Communist Party has long been a firm friend of Hong Kong’s capitalist elite, seen by Beijing as a dependable bulwark against populist pressures. So far, there has been no effort yet on their part to try to push the government to compromise on election issues or to ask the chief executive to resign.
Part of the answer is that many of them are away. Many if not most of the city’s tycoons were out of town this week on vacations, taking advantage of a week with two consecutive days of public holidays. Many if not most of the city’s tycoons, however, were out of town this week on vacations, taking advantage of a week with two consecutive days of public holidays.
The Chinese Communist Party has long been a firm friend of Hong Kong’s capitalist elite, seen by Beijing as a dependable bulwark against populist pressures. So far, there has been no effort yet on their part to try to push the government to compromise on election issues or to ask the chief executive to resign. Most Hong Kong tycoons’ incomes are closely tied to real estate: storefronts, offices and apartments. And as the occupants, notably the owners of small businesses, must keep paying rents despite any disruption from the protests, the magnates have not suffered in their pocketbooks. Most Hong Kong tycoons’ incomes are closely tied to real estate: storefronts, offices and apartments. And as the occupants, notably the owners of small businesses, must keep paying rents despite any disruption from the protests, the magnates have not suffered financially.
“The tycoons couldn’t care less,” said one person heavily involved in the government’s discussions of the issue. “It’s the small businesses who are in trouble.”“The tycoons couldn’t care less,” said one person heavily involved in the government’s discussions of the issue. “It’s the small businesses who are in trouble.”
Mr. Ho, the lawyer and democratic politician, said people sympathetic with the demands of the protesters have urged the tycoons to help open up communication with Beijing, but he was not hopeful of any breakthrough. Mr. Ho, the lawyer and democratic politician, said people sympathetic with the demands of the protesters have urged the tycoons to help open communication with Beijing, but he was not hopeful of any breakthrough.
“I think someone has spoken to the tycoons and told them that C. Y. Leung’s departure would be conducive to a more amicable atmosphere for talks,” he said. “I have spoken to some people who have direct access to the tycoons. The message has been passed through. I would not know whether that message has been passed on to Beijing.”“I think someone has spoken to the tycoons and told them that C. Y. Leung’s departure would be conducive to a more amicable atmosphere for talks,” he said. “I have spoken to some people who have direct access to the tycoons. The message has been passed through. I would not know whether that message has been passed on to Beijing.”
The protesters mostly agree on two demands: open democratic elections for the chief executive, and removing Mr. Leung, even if his successor turns out to be another pro-Beijing politician. But on Thursday night and then Friday, the main protest groups and crowds on the streets have echoed with uncertainty and disagreement over how to press those demands and whether to adopt more confrontational methods. The protesters mostly agree on two demands: open democratic elections for the chief executive, and removing Mr. Leung, even if his successor turns out to be another pro-Beijing politician. But in the last two days, the main protest groups and crowds on the streets have disagreed over how to press those demands and whether to adopt more confrontational methods.
Benny Tai, an associate professor of law at the University of Hong Kong who has been at the forefront of a leading pro-democracy group, told reporters that “trust can solve our problems.” “This movement doesn’t have an actual leader,” said Mr. Tai, the Occupy leader. “But it’s not without direction, not without a goal, and there are ways to handle the different views of the movement’s participants.”
“This movement doesn’t have an actual leader, but it’s not without direction, not without a goal, and there are ways to handle the different views of the movement’s participants,” he said. “We share the same goal. Our methods may not be the same in actual scenarios. I hope everybody can persist in the spirit of peaceful resistance.” “I hope everybody can persist in the spirit of peaceful resistance,” he added.