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Aleksei Navalny, Putin Critic, Is Seized at Rally After Suspended Sentence in Fraud Case Aleksei Navalny, Putin Critic, Is Spared Prison in a Fraud Case, but His Brother Is Jailed
(about 3 hours later)
MOSCOW — The police in Moscow briefly detained the anticorruption crusader and political opposition leader Aleksei A. Navalny on Tuesday as he tried to join an unauthorized, antigovernment rally, just hours after a Moscow court had given him a suspended sentence on criminal fraud charges. MOSCOW — Hours after being spared prison on Tuesday in a criminal fraud trial widely viewed as political revenge, the Kremlin’s chief antagonist, Aleksei A. Navalny, broke out of house arrest and tried to join an unsanctioned antigovernment rally, daring the authorities to throw him in jail.
The authorities said later that the police were merely escorting Mr. Navalny back to his home, Interfax reported. They refrained, but in a twist that clearly caught Mr. Navalny, the normally unruffled political opposition leader off guard, the court ordered that his younger brother, Oleg, who was also charged in the fraud case, serve three and half years in prison.
Earlier, in a surprise twist, the court had spared Mr. Navalny jail time by suspending his sentence of three and a half years but ordered his younger brother, Oleg, who was also charged, to serve a prison term of the same length. The jailing of the brother, a former postal worker generally viewed as a pawn in a larger battle, signaled that the Kremlin was adopting a heavy-handed strategy in seeking to suppress Mr. Navalny’s political activities by sidelining him without transforming him into a martyr.
The imprisonment of Oleg Navalny, who is generally viewed as a pawn in a larger battle, signaled that the Kremlin was making a thuggish attempt to suppress Aleksei Navalny’s political activities and avoid making a martyr out of him. “Aren’t you ashamed?" Mr. Navalny cried out in dismay at the young judge, Yelena Korobchenko, as she read the verdict.
After the sentencing, Mr. Navalny tried his best to provoke the authorities, walking from Pushkin Square, down Tverskaya Street toward Manezh Square, and the Kremlin, alternately grim-faced and smiling, trailed by a scrum of journalists. “Why are you jailing him?” Mr. Navalny shouted, with tears in his eyes. “This is a dirty trick. To punish me more?”
At one point, he was handed a cellphone to speak with the radio station Echo of Moscow. Some analysts said that was precisely the goal.
“You just asked about house arrest, well house arrest is irrelevant in comparison with what is going on in our country,” he told the radio station. “It’s not about my brother, my family or myself, or any other concrete person. It’s about the disgusting, mean things happening now, happening for years now, because we have just been sitting at home.” “Kremlin liberalism,” Lilia Shevtsova, an expert on Russian domestic politics at the Carnegie Moscow Center, wrote in a post on Facebook. “Let’s put him on a long leash. We can always shorten it. And the brother gets a real sentence. This means that we take a family member hostage! And we can make his life in prison unbearable.”
As he walked by the Ritz-Carlton Hotel, he joked that they should take it by storm, as it would be a more comfortable place to spend the night than where he was going. Speaking to Echo of Moscow, he asked Muscovites to join him on Manezh Square, saying, “I hope that I will be one individual who will grow into millions.” A trenchant critic of Russia’s rampant corruption, Mr. Navalny became a hero to the tens of thousands of Muscovites who took to the streets to protest vote rigging in parliamentary elections in 2011. Mr. Navalny, whose politics combine liberalism with an earthy nationalism, refused to back down when Vladimir V. Putin returned to the presidency in 2012 determined to suppress the incipient democracy movement and reduce individual and news media freedoms.
A minute or so later, he was arrested on a sidewalk of Tverskaya Street, as police officers wedged through the crowd of journalists, grabbed him and shoved him into a bus parked nearby on the street. Some in the crowd shouted: “Shame! Shame!” Over the last two years, the government has harassed him, filing corruption charges in several cases, none of them justified, independent legal analysts said. But the Kremlin has been leery of treating him too harshly, wary of provoking a backlash.
The verdict came as critics of the government were hoping that the country’s mounting economic problems would begin to loosen President Vladimir V. Putin’s grip on power. On Tuesday, an infuriated Mr. Navalny left the courthouse Tuesday after receiving a three-and-a-half-suspended sentence and began walking through the streets toward Manezh Square, near the Kremlin, where the unauthorized rally was to take place, but he never made it. He was stopped by the police, officials said, not to arrest him but merely to escort him back to his apartment, where he has been under house arrest for 10 months in the case — widely understood to be political retribution for his aggressive opposition to Mr. Putin.
After it was read, bailiffs immediately placed Oleg Navalny, a former postal worker who was not politically active and had been virtually unknown in public before the trial, in a cell inside the courtroom. He was wearing a Red Hot Chili Peppers T-shirt. “You just asked about house arrest; well, house arrest is irrelevant in comparison with what is going on in our country,” he said in a brief phone interview with the Echo of Moscow radio station as he walked along. “It’s not about my brother, my family or myself, or any other concrete person. It’s about the disgusting, mean things happening now, happening for years now, because we have just been sitting at home.”
“Aren’t you ashamed?” Mr. Navalny cried out in dismay at the judge, Yelena Korobchenko. He was seized by the police outside the Ritz Carlton Hotel on Tverskaya Street, which he had just joked that his supporters should take by storm because it would be more comfortable than where he would probably spend the night. In the end, though, the authorities seemed equally determined to avoid further confrontation and returned him to his apartment, though they posted five officers outside the door.
“Why are you jailing him?” Mr. Navalny shouted. “This is a dirty trick. To punish me more?” Not long after he was seized, the riot police moved in to disburse the rally on Manezh Square near the Kremlin, where the crowd had dwindled to about 1,500. More than 200 people were arrested, but there were no reports of violence.
Aleksei Navalny’s house arrest, imposed in February, was expected to end as soon as the suspended sentence is officially in place. Under Russian law, his felony conviction makes him ineligible to seek public office for 10 years after the sentence is completed. His actions will also be shadowed now by fear of harm befalling his brother in prison. The Kremlin’s relatively cautious treatment of Mr. Navalny may have been reinforced lately by the country’s mounting economic problems. Although the annexation of Crimea last spring pushed Mr. Putin’s popularity to stratospheric heights, the ensuing Western sanctions and a simultaneous worldwide drop in oil prices have battered the Russian economy — and the fortunes of average Russians, whom the Kremlin is anxious not to antagonize.
Larger economic and geopolitical concerns may have also factored into the decision to keep Mr. Navalny out of jail, to avoid yet another flash point with the West.
The suspended sentence will keep Mr. Navalny out of prison, but under Russian law, his felony conviction makes him ineligible to seek public office for 10 years after the sentence is completed. And even if he intended to make a swift return to the political arena, his actions will now be shadowed by fear of harm befalling his brother in prison.
In a recent interview published in the newspaper Novaya Gazeta, Oleg Navalny, who, like his brother, is married and has two young children, said he understood the risks of his brother’s political activism.In a recent interview published in the newspaper Novaya Gazeta, Oleg Navalny, who, like his brother, is married and has two young children, said he understood the risks of his brother’s political activism.
“We absolutely knew that sooner or later this all would touch us,” he said. “It is easy to influence a person through his family.”“We absolutely knew that sooner or later this all would touch us,” he said. “It is easy to influence a person through his family.”
The political opposition in Russia has been largely mute in recent months, as Mr. Putin’s popularity has soared following the invasion and annexation of Crimea from Ukraine in the spring. Patriotism has also swelled in response to an aggressive government information campaign, presenting events in Ukraine as a coup orchestrated by the United States and the West in a bid to reduce Russia’s sphere of influence.
Some close observers of the Russian political system said that jailing Oleg Navalny effectively turned him into a “hostage,” and was a way of taking revenge against his brother.
“Kremlin liberalism,” Lilia Shevtsova, an expert on Russian domestic politics at the Carnegie Moscow Center, wrote in a post on Facebook that oozed sarcasm. “Let’s put him on a long leash. We can always shorten it. And the brother gets a real sentence. This means that we take a family member hostage! And we can make his life in prison unbearable.”
Outside the courtroom, several dozen supporters of Mr. Navalny said they believed that his brother’s sentence was meant to punish him.Outside the courtroom, several dozen supporters of Mr. Navalny said they believed that his brother’s sentence was meant to punish him.
“So they have taken him hostage,” said Vera Kashtanova, a 70-year-old retiree huddled in a heavy fur coat against the morning frost.“So they have taken him hostage,” said Vera Kashtanova, a 70-year-old retiree huddled in a heavy fur coat against the morning frost.
Ms. Kashtanova said that she had not joined in protests, either during the Soviet era or under Mr. Putin, until this year, after Russia’s annexation of Crimea.Ms. Kashtanova said that she had not joined in protests, either during the Soviet era or under Mr. Putin, until this year, after Russia’s annexation of Crimea.
“I am a Sovok,” she said, using slang that means an old-fashioned Soviet person. “But I am an enlightened Sovok.”“I am a Sovok,” she said, using slang that means an old-fashioned Soviet person. “But I am an enlightened Sovok.”
After the sentence was read, a smattering of anti-Navalny demonstrators sauntered toward the subway, taunting the opposition leader’s supporters. As with the unexpected pardon last year of another Putin enemy, the former oil tycoon Mikhail B. Khodorkovsky, the verdict seemed to underscore the all-encompassing power — and capriciousness — of the Russian leader and the system that he appears to command, often by oblique signals.
Some of them wore orange-and-black St. George’s ribbons, a symbol of the Soviet victory over Nazi Germany that more recently has signified support of the Kremlin’s hard-line policies in Ukraine.
“A thief should sit in prison!” one yelled.
Once again, as with the unexpected pardon last year of another Putin enemy, the former oil tycoon Mikhail B. Khodorkovsky, the verdict seemed to underscore the all-encompassing power — and capriciousness — of the Russian leader and the system that he appears to command, often by oblique signals.
After nearly a year under house arrest, Mr. Navalny, a lawyer who led months of street protests that followed parliamentary elections tainted by accusations of fraud in December 2011, and who then ran unsuccessfully for mayor of Moscow in 2013, has said that he no longer has hope that Russia’s future can be determined at the ballot box.After nearly a year under house arrest, Mr. Navalny, a lawyer who led months of street protests that followed parliamentary elections tainted by accusations of fraud in December 2011, and who then ran unsuccessfully for mayor of Moscow in 2013, has said that he no longer has hope that Russia’s future can be determined at the ballot box.
“What are we going to go out on the streets for?” he asked in a recent interview with The New York Times. “There are no elections at all anymore. Talking about falsifications is absurd because none of us are allowed to run.”“What are we going to go out on the streets for?” he asked in a recent interview with The New York Times. “There are no elections at all anymore. Talking about falsifications is absurd because none of us are allowed to run.”
Far from cowering, Mr. Navalny has publicly and repeatedly accused Mr. Putin and his closest associates in and out of the government of theft and corruption on a vast scale. More recently, he accused them of fomenting war in Ukraine for the sake of securing and expanding power. Far from cowering, Mr. Navalny has publicly and repeatedly accused Mr. Putin and his closest associates in and out of the government of theft and corruption on a vast scale. More recently, he accused them of fomenting war in Ukraine to secure and expand power.
He has also made no secret of his own presidential ambitions. And though he has lived for years on the brink of lengthy imprisonment, he has shown no willingness to leave Russia as other prominent critics of Mr. Putin have done in recent years. He has also made no secret of his presidential ambitions. And though he has lived for years on the brink of lengthy imprisonment, he has shown no willingness to leave Russia the way other prominent critics of Mr. Putin have done in recent years.
Gennadi V. Gudkov, a former member of Parliament, compared the sentencing of the opposition leader’s brother to the policy of detaining relatives used in Chechnya by the Russian security services and a regional leader, Ramzan A. Kadyrov, against Islamic militants.Gennadi V. Gudkov, a former member of Parliament, compared the sentencing of the opposition leader’s brother to the policy of detaining relatives used in Chechnya by the Russian security services and a regional leader, Ramzan A. Kadyrov, against Islamic militants.
“It’s been made clear in today’s case against Navalny,” Mr. Gudkov wrote on Twitter, “Putin supports Kadyrov’s idea of punishing relatives.” “Putin supports Kadyrov’s idea of punishing relatives,” Mr. Gudkov said.
Mr. Navalny’s Twitter account, which has at times been managed by his wife or supporters after a court order prohibited him from using the Internet, featured a message after the ruling saying, “Of all possible sentences, today’s is the most vile.”Mr. Navalny’s Twitter account, which has at times been managed by his wife or supporters after a court order prohibited him from using the Internet, featured a message after the ruling saying, “Of all possible sentences, today’s is the most vile.”
The fraud case against Mr. Navalny that was decided on Tuesday is just one of numerous criminal prosecutions that have been brought against him in recent years. All of them are generally regarded as a response by the authorities to his political activism. The fraud case against Mr. Navalny that was decided Tuesday is just one of numerous criminal prosecutions that have been brought against him in recent years. All of them are generally regarded as a response by the authorities to his political activism.
In July 2013, Mr. Navalny was convicted of embezzlement after being accused of stealing nearly $500,000 from a state-controlled timber company while working as an unpaid adviser to the governor of the Kirov region east of Moscow. In a dramatic scene, he was sentenced to five years in prison and led from the courtroom in handcuffs, only to be released the next day by a judge who agreed to hear an appeal in the case. In July 2013, Mr. Navalny was convicted of embezzlement after being accused of stealing nearly $500,000 from a state-controlled timber company while working as an unpaid adviser to the governor of the Kirov region east of Moscow.
In a dramatic scene, he was sentenced to five years in prison and led from the courtroom in handcuffs, only to be released the next day by a judge who agreed to hear an appeal in the case.
It was while free from prison in that case that Mr. Navalny ran for mayor of Moscow. He drew a surprisingly strong 27.2 percent of the vote despite facing overwhelming obstacles in standing against the Kremlin-backed incumbent, Sergei S. Sobyanin.It was while free from prison in that case that Mr. Navalny ran for mayor of Moscow. He drew a surprisingly strong 27.2 percent of the vote despite facing overwhelming obstacles in standing against the Kremlin-backed incumbent, Sergei S. Sobyanin.
At the time, it was widely believed that Mr. Sobyanin supported the idea of allowing Mr. Navalny to run as a way of granting some legitimacy to the elections. Although Mr. Sobyanin still had two years left in his term, he had resigned abruptly to force snap elections that gave him a heavy advantage.
In Kirov, the charges were considered baseless by many legal experts and had been thrown out after a local investigation. The case was resurrected by federal officials in Moscow, and the Kremlin made little effort to mask the political motivation of the prosecution.In Kirov, the charges were considered baseless by many legal experts and had been thrown out after a local investigation. The case was resurrected by federal officials in Moscow, and the Kremlin made little effort to mask the political motivation of the prosecution.
Legal experts considered the fraud case unusually thin.
Although Mr. Navalny is known for his sharp tongue and for his deft turns of phrase, no one was amused in the courtroom earlier this month when prosecutors said they would seek a nine-year prison sentence and an additional year as penalty for previous crimes.
In a closing statement during that hearing, Mr. Navalny railed against the judges, prosecutors and other servants of the Putin government, accusing them of knowingly pursuing baseless prosecutions. He expressed particular outrage over the treatment of co-defendants in his cases, including a friend in Kirov, Pyotr Ofitserov, and his brother.
“How many times in his life can a person who has done nothing illegal pronounce his closing words?” Mr. Navalny asked. “In the last year and a half, this is my sixth or 10th closing statement. It’s as if the end of days are coming.”