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| Aleksei Navalny, Putin Critic, Is Arrested at Rally After Suspended Sentence in Fraud Case | |
| (about 2 hours later) | |
| MOSCOW — The police in Moscow arrested the anticorruption crusader and political opposition leader Aleksei A. Navalny on Tuesday for joining an unauthorized, antigovernment rally, just hours after a Moscow court had given him a suspended sentence on criminal fraud charges. | |
| The United States State Department issued a warning of possible violence and arrests at the gathering. | |
| Earlier, in a surprise twist, the court had spared Mr. Navalny jail time by suspending his sentence of three and a half years but ordered his younger brother, Oleg, who was also charged, to serve a prison term of the same length. | |
| The imprisonment of Oleg Navalny, who is generally viewed as a pawn in a larger battle, signaled that the Kremlin was adopting a more sophisticated, if crueler, strategy in seeking to suppress Aleksei Navalny’s political activities: sidelining him, but not making a political martyr of him. | |
| “Aren’t you ashamed?” Mr. Navalny cried out in dismay at the judge, Yelena Korobchenko, as she read the verdict. | |
| “Why are you jailing him?” Mr. Navalny shouted. “This is a dirty trick. To punish me more?” | “Why are you jailing him?” Mr. Navalny shouted. “This is a dirty trick. To punish me more?” |
| Bailiffs immediately placed Oleg Navalny, a former postal worker who was not politically active and had been virtually unknown in public before the trial, in a cell inside the courtroom. He was wearing a Red Hot Chili Peppers T-shirt. | |
| The verdict came as critics of the government were hoping that the country’s mounting economic problems would begin to loosen President Vladimir V. Putin’s grip on power. | The verdict came as critics of the government were hoping that the country’s mounting economic problems would begin to loosen President Vladimir V. Putin’s grip on power. |
| Aleksei Navalny’s house arrest, imposed in February, was expected to end as soon as the suspended sentence, also of three and one-half years, is officially in place. Under Russian law, his felony conviction makes him ineligible to seek public office for 10 years after the sentence is completed. His actions will also be shadowed now by fear of harm befalling his brother in prison. | |
| In a recent interview published in the newspaper Novaya Gazeta, Oleg Navalny, who, like his brother, is married and has two young children, said he understood the risks of his brother’s political activism. | |
| “We absolutely knew that sooner or later this all would touch us,” he said. “It is easy to influence a person through his family.” | “We absolutely knew that sooner or later this all would touch us,” he said. “It is easy to influence a person through his family.” |
| The political opposition in Russia has been largely mute in recent months, as Mr. Putin’s popularity has soared following the invasion and annexation of Crimea in the spring. Patriotism has also swelled in response to an aggressive government information campaign, presenting events in Ukraine as a coup orchestrated by the United States and the West in a bid to reduce Russia’s sphere of influence. | The political opposition in Russia has been largely mute in recent months, as Mr. Putin’s popularity has soared following the invasion and annexation of Crimea in the spring. Patriotism has also swelled in response to an aggressive government information campaign, presenting events in Ukraine as a coup orchestrated by the United States and the West in a bid to reduce Russia’s sphere of influence. |
| Some close observers of the Russian political system said that jailing Oleg Navalny effectively turned him into a “hostage,” as a way of taking revenge against his brother. | Some close observers of the Russian political system said that jailing Oleg Navalny effectively turned him into a “hostage,” as a way of taking revenge against his brother. |
| “Kremlin liberalism,” Lilia Shevtsova, an expert on Russian domestic politics at the Carnegie Moscow Center, wrote in a post on Facebook that oozed sarcasm. “Let’s put him on a long leash. We can always shorten it. And the brother gets a real sentence. This means that we take a family member hostage! And we can make his life in prison unbearable.” | “Kremlin liberalism,” Lilia Shevtsova, an expert on Russian domestic politics at the Carnegie Moscow Center, wrote in a post on Facebook that oozed sarcasm. “Let’s put him on a long leash. We can always shorten it. And the brother gets a real sentence. This means that we take a family member hostage! And we can make his life in prison unbearable.” |
| Outside the courtroom, several dozen supporters of Mr. Navalny said they believed that his brother’s sentence was meant to punish him. | Outside the courtroom, several dozen supporters of Mr. Navalny said they believed that his brother’s sentence was meant to punish him. |
| “So they have taken him hostage,” said Vera Kashtanova, a 70-year-old retiree huddled in a heavy fur coat against the morning frost. | “So they have taken him hostage,” said Vera Kashtanova, a 70-year-old retiree huddled in a heavy fur coat against the morning frost. |
| Ms. Kashtanova said that she had not joined in protests, either during the Soviet era or under Mr. Putin, until this year, after Russia’s annexation of Crimea. | Ms. Kashtanova said that she had not joined in protests, either during the Soviet era or under Mr. Putin, until this year, after Russia’s annexation of Crimea. |
| “I am a Sovok,” she said, using slang that means an old-fashioned Soviet person. “But I am an enlightened Sovok.” | “I am a Sovok,” she said, using slang that means an old-fashioned Soviet person. “But I am an enlightened Sovok.” |
| After the sentence was read, a smattering of anti-Navalny protesters sauntered toward the subway, taunting the opposition leader’s supporters. | After the sentence was read, a smattering of anti-Navalny protesters sauntered toward the subway, taunting the opposition leader’s supporters. |
| Some of the them wore orange-and-black St. George’s ribbons, a symbol of the Soviet victory over Nazi Germany that more recently has signified support of the Kremlin’s hard-line policies in Ukraine. | Some of the them wore orange-and-black St. George’s ribbons, a symbol of the Soviet victory over Nazi Germany that more recently has signified support of the Kremlin’s hard-line policies in Ukraine. |
| “A thief should sit in prison!” one yelled. | “A thief should sit in prison!” one yelled. |
| Once again, as with the unexpected pardon last year of another Putin nemesis, the former oil tycoon Mikhail B. Khodorkovsky, the verdict seemed to underscore the all-encompassing power — and capriciousness — of the Russian leader and the system that he appears to command, often by oblique signals. | Once again, as with the unexpected pardon last year of another Putin nemesis, the former oil tycoon Mikhail B. Khodorkovsky, the verdict seemed to underscore the all-encompassing power — and capriciousness — of the Russian leader and the system that he appears to command, often by oblique signals. |
| After nearly a year under house arrest, Mr. Navalny, a lawyer who led months of street protests that followed parliamentary elections tainted by accusations of fraud in December 2011, and who then ran unsuccessfully for mayor of Moscow in 2013, has said that he no longer has hope that Russia’s future can be determined at the ballot box. | After nearly a year under house arrest, Mr. Navalny, a lawyer who led months of street protests that followed parliamentary elections tainted by accusations of fraud in December 2011, and who then ran unsuccessfully for mayor of Moscow in 2013, has said that he no longer has hope that Russia’s future can be determined at the ballot box. |
| “What are we going to go out on the streets for?” he asked in a recent interview with The New York Times. “There are no elections at all anymore. Talking about falsifications is absurd because none of us are allowed to run.” | “What are we going to go out on the streets for?” he asked in a recent interview with The New York Times. “There are no elections at all anymore. Talking about falsifications is absurd because none of us are allowed to run.” |
| In another interview, with The Guardian, he said, “In Russia, it will not be elections that provide a change of government.” | In another interview, with The Guardian, he said, “In Russia, it will not be elections that provide a change of government.” |
| Far from cowering, Mr. Navalny has publicly and repeatedly accused Mr. Putin and his closest associates in and out of the government of theft and corruption on a vast scale. He accused them more recently of fomenting war in Ukraine for the sake of securing and expanding power. | Far from cowering, Mr. Navalny has publicly and repeatedly accused Mr. Putin and his closest associates in and out of the government of theft and corruption on a vast scale. He accused them more recently of fomenting war in Ukraine for the sake of securing and expanding power. |
| He has also made no secret of his own presidential ambitions. And though he has lived for years on the brink of lengthy imprisonment, he has shown no willingness to leave Russia as other prominent critics of Mr. Putin have done in recent years. | He has also made no secret of his own presidential ambitions. And though he has lived for years on the brink of lengthy imprisonment, he has shown no willingness to leave Russia as other prominent critics of Mr. Putin have done in recent years. |
| Gennadi V. Gudkov, a former member of Parliament, compared the sentencing of the opposition leader’s brother to the policy of detaining relatives used in Chechnya by the Russian security services and a regional leader, Ramzan A. Kadyrov, against Islamic militants. | Gennadi V. Gudkov, a former member of Parliament, compared the sentencing of the opposition leader’s brother to the policy of detaining relatives used in Chechnya by the Russian security services and a regional leader, Ramzan A. Kadyrov, against Islamic militants. |
| “It’s been made clear in today’s case against Navalny,” Mr. Gudkov wrote on Twitter, “Putin supports Kadyrov’s idea of punishing relatives.” | “It’s been made clear in today’s case against Navalny,” Mr. Gudkov wrote on Twitter, “Putin supports Kadyrov’s idea of punishing relatives.” |
| Mr. Navalny’s Twitter account, which has at times been managed by his wife or supporters after a court order prohibited him from using the Internet, featured a message after the ruling saying, “Of all possible sentences, today’s is the most vile.” | Mr. Navalny’s Twitter account, which has at times been managed by his wife or supporters after a court order prohibited him from using the Internet, featured a message after the ruling saying, “Of all possible sentences, today’s is the most vile.” |
| The fraud case against Mr. Navalny that was decided on Tuesday is just one of numerous criminal prosecutions that have been brought against him in recent years. All of them are generally regarded as a response by the authorities to his political activism. | The fraud case against Mr. Navalny that was decided on Tuesday is just one of numerous criminal prosecutions that have been brought against him in recent years. All of them are generally regarded as a response by the authorities to his political activism. |
| In July 2013, Mr. Navalny was convicted of embezzlement after being accused of stealing nearly $500,000 from a state-controlled timber company while working as an unpaid adviser to the governor of the Kirov region east of Moscow. In a dramatic scene, he was sentenced to five years in prison and led from the courtroom in handcuffs, only to be released the next day by a judge who agreed to hear an appeal in the case. | In July 2013, Mr. Navalny was convicted of embezzlement after being accused of stealing nearly $500,000 from a state-controlled timber company while working as an unpaid adviser to the governor of the Kirov region east of Moscow. In a dramatic scene, he was sentenced to five years in prison and led from the courtroom in handcuffs, only to be released the next day by a judge who agreed to hear an appeal in the case. |
| It was while free from prison in that case that Mr. Navalny ran for mayor of Moscow. He drew a surprisingly strong 27.2 percent of the vote despite facing overwhelming obstacles in standing against the Kremlin-backed incumbent, Sergei S. Sobyanin. | It was while free from prison in that case that Mr. Navalny ran for mayor of Moscow. He drew a surprisingly strong 27.2 percent of the vote despite facing overwhelming obstacles in standing against the Kremlin-backed incumbent, Sergei S. Sobyanin. |
| At the time, it was widely believed that Mr. Sobyanin supported the idea of allowing Mr. Navalny to run as a way of granting some legitimacy to the elections. Although Mr. Sobyanin still had two years left in his term, he had resigned abruptly to force snap elections that gave him a heavy advantage. | At the time, it was widely believed that Mr. Sobyanin supported the idea of allowing Mr. Navalny to run as a way of granting some legitimacy to the elections. Although Mr. Sobyanin still had two years left in his term, he had resigned abruptly to force snap elections that gave him a heavy advantage. |
| In Kirov, the charges were considered baseless by many legal experts and had been thrown out after a local investigation. The case was resurrected by federal officials in Moscow, and the Kremlin made little effort to mask the political motivation of the prosecution. | In Kirov, the charges were considered baseless by many legal experts and had been thrown out after a local investigation. The case was resurrected by federal officials in Moscow, and the Kremlin made little effort to mask the political motivation of the prosecution. |
| The fraud case was similarly thin. | The fraud case was similarly thin. |
| It began in December 2012 when the federal Investigative Committee accused Mr. Navalny and his brother, who had worked for the Russian postal service, of defrauding a Russian subsidiary of a French cosmetics company, Yves Rocher, by overcharging for shipping services provided by a private company the brothers had created. | It began in December 2012 when the federal Investigative Committee accused Mr. Navalny and his brother, who had worked for the Russian postal service, of defrauding a Russian subsidiary of a French cosmetics company, Yves Rocher, by overcharging for shipping services provided by a private company the brothers had created. |
| The subsidiary, Yves Rocher Vostok, which had never reported any problem during its years of working with the Navalny brothers’ company, even withdrew a legal complaint that apparently had been submitted at the authorities’ behest. | The subsidiary, Yves Rocher Vostok, which had never reported any problem during its years of working with the Navalny brothers’ company, even withdrew a legal complaint that apparently had been submitted at the authorities’ behest. |
| In some respects, the case seemed almost laughable. | In some respects, the case seemed almost laughable. |
| Mr. Navalny’s brother, realizing that the cosmetics company had unmet shipping needs from a distribution center in Yaroslavl, reached a deal with a Moscow-area sausage manufacturer to fill its empty trucks with perfume and cosmetics for the return trip to the capital. | Mr. Navalny’s brother, realizing that the cosmetics company had unmet shipping needs from a distribution center in Yaroslavl, reached a deal with a Moscow-area sausage manufacturer to fill its empty trucks with perfume and cosmetics for the return trip to the capital. |
| The Investigative Committee said the Navalny brothers had overcharged the perfume company by about $800,000 — an allegation that some critics of the prosecution said would hardly be a crime even if it were true. | The Investigative Committee said the Navalny brothers had overcharged the perfume company by about $800,000 — an allegation that some critics of the prosecution said would hardly be a crime even if it were true. |
| When the charges were first announced, Mr. Navalny took to Twitter, one of his favorite platforms, and wrote, “Hey you in the Investigative Committee! Have you gone crazy?” | When the charges were first announced, Mr. Navalny took to Twitter, one of his favorite platforms, and wrote, “Hey you in the Investigative Committee! Have you gone crazy?” |
| In another Twitter post, he wrote, “I did not steal your packages, you goats!” | In another Twitter post, he wrote, “I did not steal your packages, you goats!” |
| Although Mr. Navalny is known for his sharp tongue and for his deft turns of phrase, no one was amused in the courtroom this month when prosecutors said they would seek a nine-year prison sentence and an additional year as penalty for previous crimes. | Although Mr. Navalny is known for his sharp tongue and for his deft turns of phrase, no one was amused in the courtroom this month when prosecutors said they would seek a nine-year prison sentence and an additional year as penalty for previous crimes. |
| In a closing statement during that hearing, Mr. Navalny railed against the judges, prosecutors and other servants of the Putin government, accusing them of knowingly pursuing baseless prosecutions. He expressed particular outrage over the treatment of co-defendants in his cases, including a friend in Kirov, Pyotr Ofitserov, and his brother. | In a closing statement during that hearing, Mr. Navalny railed against the judges, prosecutors and other servants of the Putin government, accusing them of knowingly pursuing baseless prosecutions. He expressed particular outrage over the treatment of co-defendants in his cases, including a friend in Kirov, Pyotr Ofitserov, and his brother. |
| “How many times in his life can a person who has done nothing illegal pronounce his closing words?” Mr. Navalny asked. “In the last year and a half, this is my sixth or 10th closing statement. It’s as if the end of days are coming.” | “How many times in his life can a person who has done nothing illegal pronounce his closing words?” Mr. Navalny asked. “In the last year and a half, this is my sixth or 10th closing statement. It’s as if the end of days are coming.” |
| Mr. Navalny has said that he does not believe opinion polls showing an increase in support for Mr. Putin since the annexation of Crimea. In fact, he has said, even supporters of Mr. Putin are prepared to betray him at the first sign of weakness. | Mr. Navalny has said that he does not believe opinion polls showing an increase in support for Mr. Putin since the annexation of Crimea. In fact, he has said, even supporters of Mr. Putin are prepared to betray him at the first sign of weakness. |
| “These people are waiting,” Mr. Navalny said. “The oligarchs, Putin’s ministers and all the others are waiting. They will betray Putin the second they feel like he has weakened. But for now he hasn’t. For now Putin has total authority over Russia.” | “These people are waiting,” Mr. Navalny said. “The oligarchs, Putin’s ministers and all the others are waiting. They will betray Putin the second they feel like he has weakened. But for now he hasn’t. For now Putin has total authority over Russia.” |